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Why Donald Trump Jr. is Wrong about Dylan Mulvaney and Anheuser-Busch

The company’s embrace of the trans craze means that it must be taken out—fairly and through above-board market means.

Donald Trump Jr. says traditionalists and conservatives should give a pass to Anheuser-Busch for its recent transgender marketing push because, says Jr., the company supports Republican Party politicians and candidates.

Anheuser-Busch. “We looked into the political giving and lobbying history of Anheuser-Busch and guess what? They actually support Republicans,” he said on his podcast, Triggered.

[The company] totally sh** the bed with this Dylan Mulvaney thing. I’m not, though, for destroying an American, an iconic company for something like this.

Actually, if conservatives are serious about stopping the left’s cultural assault on childhood innocence and gender identity, then that is exactly what they must do: destroy Anheuser-Busch.

The company’s demise over its promotion of the trans craze would be a powerful deterrent to other companies that are thinking about foisting the left’s woke agenda on innocent and unsuspecting Americans. Otherwise traditionalists and conservatives will continue to lose ground, culturally.

Political Payoffs. Jr. makes a big deal over the fact that Anheuser-Busch gives about 6o percent of its political contributions to Republicans. “That’s literally almost unheard of in corporate America, where it’s really easy to go woke,” he argues.

Maybe, but 60 percent suggests that the company is essentially trying to have it both ways: by showering cash on both sides of the political aisle—something that is hardly unprecedented or unheard of in corporate America.

Roughly half (47 percent) of the $982.8 million in political campaign contributions made by the financial-services sector in the 2019-2020 period, for instance, went to Republicans; the other half (53 percent) went to Democrats, according to a report by a group called Americans for Financial Reform.

Jr.’s father did pretty much the same thing when he lived and worked in New York City. Trump Sr. gave big bucks to both Republicans and Democrats, including New York Senators Hillary Clinton and Chuck Schumer.

Woke Political Games. So let’s not be all that impressed by the fact that Anheuser-Busch plays the political game. Let’s be more worried about its embrace of the woke agenda—and, specifically, its promotion of transgender influencer Dylan Mulvaney and Mulvaney’s assault on gender identity and childhood innocence.

National Review’s Caroline Downey reports that Anhesuer-Busch “has been woke longer than you think”—for decades, actually.

“A review of the company’s marketing efforts from over 30 years ago,” she writes, “suggests the partnership is just the latest episode in a long-running inclusivity-focused ad strategy” aimed at upending sexual norms.

Culture Drives Politics. The point is not which political candidates the company supports, but how it is polluting American culture and undermining youthful innocence. Culture drives politics. It always has.

Anheuser-Busch executives give money to politicians, just as Mafia bosses give money to the church. Sorry, but in both cases these payoffs do not negate or excuse illicit and sinful behavior—murder ordered by Mafia bosses and assaults on gender identity and youthful innocence sponsored by Anheuser-Busch executives, respectively.

For these reasons, contra Trump Jr., conservatives and traditionalists need to lay down a marker and set an example with Anheuser-Busch. The company needs to go belly-up in a big way from a dearth of sales and a loss of customers.

Let the woke chieftains of corporate America know there will be a heavy financial price to pay for foisting their political and cultural agenda upon America.

Then maybe they’ll think twice before using their vast financial resources and advertising dollars to effect a cultural revolution very few people want and certainly no one ever voted for.

Feature photo credit: Donald Trump Jr. and Dylan Mulvaney, courtesy of the New York Post.

The Republican Party is Getting Its Comeuppance in the 2022 Senate and House Races

By highlighting former President Trump, the GOP is getting what it deserves: unanticipated and unprecedented defeats in a midterm election it otherwise should sweep convincingly.

We see it every day in American politics. Politicians, activists, journalists, and political parties do things that are wrong, misguided, condemnable, and contemptible, and for that, they pay a steep price.

They get what they deserve. They get their just deserts. They get their comeuppance. And here at ResCon1, we are gonna call them out, starting with…

The Republican Party—for putting Donald Trump back on the ballot, making him the issue in the 2022 Senate and House races, and diverting attention away from Joe Biden and his disastrous record as President.

Their comeuppance: Six months ago, there was widespread talk of a “red wave” or even a “red tsunami,” with the GOP poised to take decisive control of the House and a comfortable majority in the Senate.

“One of the most ironclad rules in American politics is that the president’s party loses ground in midterm elections. Almost no president is immune,” reports FiveThirtyEight.

Except, perhaps, for Joe Biden, who is benefiting from the Republicans’ boneheaded decision to make Trump the centerpiece of their campaign. Consequently, and unsurprisingly, the GOP is trailing in key Senate races and has given the Dems a plausible, albeit still long-shot, chance of keeping their House majority. 

But even if the Republicans take the House, they likely will do so now with a slim majority that may prove more politically troublesome than it’s worth.

“Must-pass bills to prevent government shutdowns and address a looming debt ceiling crisis could create massive headaches for Republican leaders” if they have only a slim House majority, CNN warns.

“The involvement of former President Donald Trump makes 2022 different than almost any other midterm” election, notes FiveThirtyEight’s Nate Silver.

“Trump is on the ballot this fall in every key Senate race and in almost every top-tier gubernatorial contest,” admits The Dispatch’s Chris Stirewalt. “That makes 2022 a referendum on Trump at least as much as it is about President Biden.”

Unfortunately for the GOP, this does not bode well for November:

The Republicans are “getting killed in money, they’re getting killed in some of these contests when it comes to fundamentals,” Jessica Taylor told The Dispatch. (Taylor is the Senate and governors editor for the Cook Political Report.)

“There is a reason Democrats are eager to keep Trump at the center of the conversation,” observes conservative pundit Ben Shapiro.

“Half of independents say Trump is a major factor in their vote, and they’re breaking 4-1 for the Democrats. Republicans shouldn’t play that game. If they do, they’re cruising for a bruising.”

Exactly. The GOP is getting what it deserves. It’s getting its just deserts. It’s getting its comeuppance.

Feature photo credit: Former President Donald Trump, courtesy of Business Insider.

Wit and Humor are Ron DeSantis’s Keys to the White House

Just ask Ronald Reagan, William F. Buckley, Jr., and Antonin Scalia.

Florida Governor Ron DeSantis is widely seen as the Republican Party’s strongest presidential candidate in 2024.

As a highly successful governor who is cruising to reelection in America’s third-most populous state, DeSantis has executive experience and a proven record of accomplishment that none of his likely GOP rivals (speechifying senators, mostly) can match.

There is, however, one thing that might hold DeSantis back and keep him from ever reaching the Oval Office: his lack of wit and a sense of humor.

“It’s not apparent to me that DeSantis has a sense of humor,” Dexter Filkins told Andrew Sullivan on The Dishcast. “He’s not a very jokey guy, at least not in public.”

Filkins knows of what he speaks. In June, he published the most insightful reportorial piece to date on Florida’s governor.

Filkins told Sullivan that, based on his reporting,  DeSantis would wipe the floor with most of the Democrats who would likely run against him in any general election matchup. However, he warns, DeSantis’ “entire persona is strident and angry,” and the governor does not excel at small talk.

This is a glaring red flag and a real problem for DeSantis. Wit and a sense of humor, after all, are integral to political success, especially for conservative Republicans. Why?

Because conservative Republicans are seen as more hard-edged and tough-minded. A sense of humor thus helps to soften their image and humanize them in the public mind.

Social conservatives in particular run the risk of being caricatured as harsh and judgmental, rigid and dogmatic. Wit and humor can compellingly show otherwise and put the lie to this caricature.

Ronald Reagan. It is no accident, after all, that the most successful conservative politician in American history, the man who won reelection as president in an historic 49-state landslide, was Ronald Reagan.

Reagan had a wonderful sense of humor that endeared him to the American people, even those who strongly disagreed with his conservative political philosophy and public policies.

Consider, for instance, how the 73-year-old Reagan handled concerns about his advanced age during a 1984 presidential debate with Walter Mondale:

I want you to know that, also, I will not make age an issue of this campaign. I am not going to exploit, for political purposes, my opponent’s youth and inexperience.

As Politico reports: “Many members of the audience, gathered in the cavernous Municipal Auditorium in Kansas City, Mo., applauded and laughed. So did Mondale.”

And, as a result, Reagan won more than the debate. He won, by an overwhelming margin, a second term in the White House.

Buckley and Scalia. After Reagan, the next two greatest conservative public figures in recent decades are author and columnist William F. Buckley, Jr. and Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia. And what distinguishes these two men aside from their towering intellects?

Their wit and sense of humor, which showcased a humanity and a warmth of personality that made them impossible to demonize.

When asked, for instance, what would be the first thing he would do “if he actually won his rollicking, long-shot campaign for mayor of New York City in 1965,” Buckley responded: “Demand a recount!”

As for Scalia, “he had a great sense of humor,” admits left-wing comedian Stephen Colbert:

People have actually broken down the transcripts for [Supreme Court] oral arguments and he told more jokes and got more laughs than any of the other justices.”

“In a big family,” quipped Scalia, the father of nine children, “the first child is kind of like the first pancake. If it’s not perfect, that’s okay. There are a lot more coming along.”

“We should start calling this law SCOTUScare,” he amusingly wrote in a dissent from a Supreme Court decision upholding the Affordable Care Act, aka Obamacare.

That quip even drew a chuckle from Chief Justice John Roberts, who had written the Court’s decision that aroused Scalia’s ire.

Ron DeSantis. If DeSantis wants to succeed at the highest level of American politics, if he wants to win the presidency and move America in a socially conservative and economically dynamic, free-market direction, then he has no more urgent task than to emulate Reagan, Buckley, and Scalia.

He needs to understand that for a conservative Republican especially, having and demonstrating wit and a sense of humor are of paramount importance.

Wit and Humor. To be sure, wit and humor are not things that can be instantly conjured up and created. They take time, effort, and practice. They are a reflection of life and personality, playfulness and camaraderie, joy, triumph, anguish, and even pain.

“Humor: a difficult concept to learn,” Spock tells Admiral Kirk in Star Trek II: The Wrath of Khan. “It is not logical.”

True, but wit and humor can be developed. Jokes can be incorporated into political stump speeches. Witty remarks can be crafted and used out on the campaign trail. A politician can consciously cultivate a more joyful public persona that wins converts even as it disarms critics.

And make no mistake: this matters, politically. Why? Because, as one website helpfully explains:

Humor is a great leveler. It is almost impossible to remain angry with someone who is making you laugh.

Donald Trump. Exactly, and yet, this is precisely what Donald Trump did not do. Trump did not disarm his critics. He did not make people laugh in recognition of his humanity.

To the contrary: Trump angered and repelled too many voters by his insistence on being “tough” (read: nasty and unpresidential) and refusing to show “weakness” (read: humanity). Consequently, a record number of voters turned out to vote in 2020 precisely so they could vote against Trump.

Ditto the 2018 election cycle, which flipped the House of Representatives from Republican to Democratic control. A critical mass of voters turned out to vote Democrat for Congress because Trump so angered and repelled them.

DeSantis needs to avoid Trump’s mistake or politically fatal character flaw. He needs to show voters that he cares; that he has a heart; that he’s human; and that he is worthy of leading this great nation. And the best way, the most effective way, to achieve this is through wit and humor.

Is there a political market for this? Absolutely.

Consider, for instance, the astounding success of the The Babylon Bee, a conservative Christian satirical website, as well as the sky-high ratings of  Fox News’ Greg Gutfield, whose late-night show is tops in the nation.

Gutfield! is “beating CBS’ The Late Show with Stephen Colbert, NBC’s The Tonight Show with Jimmy Fallon, and ABC’s Jimmy Kimmel Livewith FNC outpacing the broadcast networks even through their fall premieres,” Forbes reports.

As for The Babylon Bee, it is the most popular satirical site on the Internet, with more than 20 million page views per month, reports Ben Shapiro. “Fake news you can trust,” is the site’s witty tagline.

Conclusion. Politics and culture increasingly intersect. The political marketplace is waiting for a conservative Republican politician who can do politically what The Babylon Bee is doing journalistically and Greg Gutfield is doing for late-night television or streaming.

DeSantis has crucial executive experience and a highly successful track record as governor. These make him a compelling Republican presidential candidate.

But he is wants to be a winner and not just a contender, DeSantis will have to demonstrate that he can make people smile and laugh, even as he himself smiles and laughs. He will have to showcase a sense of humor that, thus far, has been conspicuously absent in his public appearances.

Can he do it? Yes, but only if he works at it. Only if he consciously makes liberal use of humor to achieve conservative political ends.

Only if recognizes that a politician elevates himself through self-deprecation, not self-promotion; and that while successful public figures take ideas seriously, they do not take themselves too seriously. Just ask Ronald Reagan, William F. Buckley, Jr., and Antonin Scalia.

Feature photo credit: (L-R): Author and columnist William F. Buckley, Jr., President Ronald Reagan, and Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, courtesy of National Review, FramedArt.com, and YouTube, respectively.

Critics Rely on Bad and Dated Nutritional Science to Lambaste Trump’s School Meals Reform

Self-anointed nutritionists and “children’s health advocates” have lambasted the Trump administration for giving local schools greater latitude and flexibility in the choice of food that they offer students.

In a separate post, I explain why these critics have it wrong. They adhere to bad and dated nutritional science that says fat and sodium are bad, but fruit and whole-grains are an unalloyed good.

In this post, I report in greater detail what the best and most recent science actually says about fat, carbohydrates, sodium, fruits, and vegetables. In truth, much of what we think we know about nutrition simply ain’t so.

Fat. Take, for instance, the longstanding proscription on fatty foods. Fat, we are told, is bad. However, there is absolutely no scientific evidence for this proscription. To the contrary: fat is highly beneficial and a much-needed macronutrient.

Fat is “a major source of energy,” notes the Harvard Medical School:

It helps you absorb some vitamins and minerals. Fat is needed to build cell membranes, the vital exterior of each cell, and the sheaths surrounding nerves. It is essential for blood clotting, muscle movement, and inflammation.

It is true that not all fats are created equal. Monounsaturated and polyunsaturated fats are found naturally in nuts, cheese, olive oil, eggs, and fish. These are the healthiest types of fats.

Artificial fats, otherwise known as industrial-made trans fats, are found in sugar-laden snacks and processed foods and are unhealthy. Saturated fats, meanwhile, are found in meat and cheese and “fall somewhere in the middle” of the health continuum, notes Harvard.

Fat consumed, moreover, does not ipso facto become fat on our body. That is not at all how human biochemistry works. Excess calories consumed become fat. And, for most people, excess calories come not from consuming too much fat, but from consuming too many carbohydrates.

“The reality is that fat doesn’t make you fat or diabetic. Scientific investigations going back to the 1950s suggest that actually, carbs do,” writes Nina Teicholz, author of The Big Fast Surprise: Why Butter, Meat and Cheese Belong in a Healthy Diet.

Carbohydrates. Unfortunately, it is all too easy to consume too many carbohydrates. They dominate our food choices and need to be strictly limited. Yet, critics complain that Trump’s regulatory rollback will allow schools to offer more pizza, burgers and other fatty foods.

But pizza and burgers are high in protein and fat, which are not the cause of poor healthy and obesity. Just about all of us, in fact—our children included—would benefit from more protein, more fat and fewer carbs.

These same critics also complain that, because schools have greater flexibility in choosing food, students will consume less whole-grain bread and cereal, and starchy foods like potatoes [will] replace green vegetables.” But as Teicholz points out,

according to the best science to date, people put themselves at higher risk for these conditions [Type 2 diabetes and heart disease] no matter what kind of carbohydrates they eat.

Yes, even unrefined carbs. Too much whole-grain oatmeal for breakfast and whole-grain pasta for dinner, with fruit snacks in between, add up to a less healthy diet than one of eggs and bacon, followed by fish.

Sodium. Likewise with sodium: The critics complain that greater flexibility will result in more more high-sodium foods, even as the Trump administration rolls back regulatory limits on the amount of sodium allowed in school meals.

But it is far from clear that sodium is a real problem, especially for our youth. (High blood becomes more prevalent as people age and is less common in children.) “Dietary guidelines often change, but ‘restrict your salt intake’ has resisted the advances of science,” write Drs. Michael H. Alderman and David A. McCarron. “Adequate sodium,” they note,

is crucial for biological processes including nerve conduction, muscle contraction, and sustaining the fluid balance necessary to assure blood flow and deliver nutrients and oxygen to every cell in the body.

As recently reviewed in the New England Journal of Medicine, human physiology has evolved a complex process, mediated by the brain, to maintain sodium balance precisely.

If we consume too little sodium, our kidneys will go to extremes to conserve it. If we consume too much, it is eliminated through our skin, intestines, and kidneys.

You’re far likelier to die from failure to maintain this precise control than from the modest impact salt may have on your blood pressure.

Fruits and Vegetables. What about fruits and vegetables? The critics say that, because of the Trump regulatory rollback, students will consume fewer fruits and vegetables, which are a great source of vitamins, minerals, and antioxidants. Again: untrue.

While the benefits of fruits and vegetables are undeniable, they are not an unalloyed good, and too much of anything can be a bad thing.

The problem with fruit is that has lots of sugar (fructose), “which causes the liver to generate triglycerides and other lipids in the blood that are altogether bad news,” Teicholz writes.

Vegetables don’t have any such complicating factor. They absolutely are nutritious and should be an integral part of every person’s diet. Still, they are incapable of satiating a person’s appetite and cannot fulfill our natural, innate need for fat, protein, and basic food variety.

In truth, by giving local schools greater latitude and flexibility in the choice of food that they offer students, the Trump administration is acting upon the basis of the best and most recent science.

The administration’s critics, by contrast, are relying on antiquated and discredited ideas that serious nutritionists and health experts increasingly reject, and for good reason.

Intellectual Intolerance and the Abandonment of Classically Liberal Values Threaten to Destroy America

The New York Times’ apology for publishing Sen. Tom Cotton’s Op-Ed, and the NFL’s repudiation of Drew Brees’ commitment to honoring the American flag, are inflection points that do not bode well for the United States. 

We have observed that groupthink is a serious problem in America today: that it distorts our public dialogue and debate on issues ranging from the coronavirus to law enforcement and public safety, race relations, and other matters of public policy.

Intertwined with groupthink is intellectual intolerance, closed-mindedness, and an unwillingness to allow for the legitimacy of different points of view that may not accord with our own.

Groupthink prevents people from thinking outside of the proverbial box, while intellectual intolerance and closed-mindedness punish them for even thinking about doing so.

This is, obviously, dangerous because it stifles fresh thinking, creativity and innovation. It also is completely contrary to everything that the United States of America was founded upon.

Ours is a classically liberal republic that was founded upon classically liberal values such as freedom of thought, the right to private property, and free enterprise.

The First Amendment prevents the government from abridging our freedom of speech. However, the values that underlie the First Amendment—intellectual tolerance, open-mindedness, robust and vigorous debate, et al.—have long suffused American institutions and American society more generally, especially at the elite level.

Not anymore. Increasingly, it seems, the American elite are abandoning classically liberal values for more contemporary illiberal and authoritarian values.

Thus freedom of thought no longer is seen as an unalloyed good with inherent and intrinsic worth. Instead, speech is judged by how it makes us feel—or, more importantly, how it makes politically important groups and constituencies feel.

Is the speech or thought dangerous or politically incorrect? Does it hurt or harm people? Does it promote hate? Does it violate our communal norms and sense of propriety and justice? Does it threaten our “safe space” and ability to contribute and function to the commonweal?

If so, then, I’m sorry, but your “freedom of speech” ends because it is in contradistinction to the “public good.”

Censorship. Of course, the illiberal authoritarians never admit that they are censors. They correctly note that the First Amendment applies to government, not to institutions and individuals. While this is technically true from a strictly legal perspective, it also misses the point:

The freedom that we Americans enjoy has never depended solely or even mainly on what the government does or does not do. Instead, our freedom has depended on what institutions do—especially our elite, private sector institutions in business, academia, and the media.

Indeed, these institutions serve as our cultural arbiters. They set the tone for what is and is not permissible.

And, for most of American history, they championed classically liberal values. That they increasingly refuse to do so is highly disconcerting and worrisome. Consider, for instance, two big news items that illustrate this troubling trend:

Item One. The New York Times this week published an op-ed by Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Arkansas) arguing that, in accordance with the Insurrection Act, President Trump should deploy the active duty military or National Guard to cities and states plagued with violent rioting.

The purpose of such a deployment, the Senator explained, would be to restore domestic peace and tranquility and ensure that peaceful protesters can exercise their First Amendment rights without fear of bodily harm or injury.

Agree or disagree, this is a perfectly fair, reasonable, and legitimate argument—especially given that people have been shot, killed, beaten, and run over by violent rioters in the past week.

Yet, Cotton’s op-ed has provoked howls of outrage on social media from dozens of New York Times reporters who ludicrously assert (reportedly with a straight face) that Cotton’s argument endorses military occupation and state violence, promotes hate, and puts black Times reporters in danger.

This is absurd and nonsensical. Yet, as a result of this hullabaloo, the Times has gone to extraordinary lengths to explain and justify its decision to publish Cotton’s op-ed, while giving undue deference to its illiberal authoritarian critics and employees.

Group Think. And now, amazingly, after more than 800 of the paper’s staffers signed a letter protesting the op-ed’s publication, the Times has issued a statement saying the essay fell short of the newspaper’s standards and should not have been published.

“We’ve examined the piece and the process leading up to its publication,” Eileen Murphy, a Times spokeswoman, said in a statement.

“This review made clear that a rushed editorial process led to the publication of an op-ed that did not meet our standards. As a result, we’re planning to examine both short-term and long-term changes, to include expanding our fact-checking operation and reducing the number of op-eds we publish.”

In other words: the mob has spoken and we get it. We will appease the mob and aspire never to repeat this “mistake” by publishing “dangerous” and “wrongheaded” op-eds.

Item Two: New Orleans Saints quarterback Drew Brees was asked by Yahoo Finance about the “take-a-knee” protests by some players in the National Football league.

These players refuse to stand for the playing of the national anthem. Instead, they take a knee, ostensibly to protest “systemic racism” and police brutality in law enforcement.

Brees’ response:

Well, that’s not an easy question to answer… God created us all equal. We all have a responsibility to love each other and to respect other. I try to live my life by two basic Christian fundamentals:

Love your Lord with all your heart, mind and soul; and love your neighbor as yourself. And I think that we accomplish greater things as a community, as a society, and as a country when we do it together…

These are trying times for our country… I think we all recognize the changes that need to take place…

We need to find ways to work together to provide opportunities for one another: to continue to move our country forward to a bigger and better place.

Brees then was a follow-up question about the “take-a-knee” protest.

“Now it’s coming back to the fore,” said Dan Roberts,

and a lot of people expect that we will see players kneeling again when the NFL season starts. I’m curious: how you think the NFL will and should respond to that… And  what is your responsibility as a leader in times like this…?

Brees’ response:

Well, I will never agree with anybody disrespecting the flag of the United States of America or our country.

Let me just tell you what I feel when the national anthem is played and when I look at the flag of the United States.

I envision my two grandfathers, who fought for this country during World War II, one in the Army and one in the Marine Corps: both risking their lives to protect our country and to try and make our country and this world a better place.

So every time [that] I stand with my hand over my heart looking at that flag and singing the national anthem, that’s what I think about.

And, in many cases, it brings me to tears, thinking about all that has been sacrificed—not just [by] those in the military, but for that matter, [by] those throughout the civil rights movement of the 1960’s, and all that has been endured by so many people up until this point [emphasis added].

And is everything right about our country right now? No, it’s not. We still have a long way to go.

But I think what you do by standing there and showing respect for the flag with your hand over your heart is it shows unity. It shows that we are all in this together.

We can all do better. And that we are all part of the solution.

This is a perfectly reasonable and fair-minded point of view shared by millions of Americans and military veterans, black and white, who believe that the American flag and national anthem are and ought to be unifying symbols for Americans of all hues, colors, and ethnicities.

Intellectual Intolerance. Yet, Brees’ response has provoked howls of outrage—as if he had just pledged his allegiance to the Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan rather than extol the example of the Civil Rights movement, which ended Jim Crow and ensured black voting rights, as well as the example of his two grandfathers who enlisted in the U.S. military to help fight World War II.

Hall of Fame tight end Shanon Sharpe, for instance, could barely contain his contempt for Brees. Sharpe issued a long filibuster-like rant on the Fox News television show Undisputed in which he called Brees’ remarks “insulting,” and said that Brees’ attitude is what has made “the black fight [for equality] so hard” or difficult.

Brees, Sharpe added, should retire from football because he no longer can command the respect of his black teammates.

Retired Pro Bowl safety and ESPN analyst Ryan Clark declared that Brees showed he “doesn’t care that black people are being killed without justice being served… I’m not surprised,” he said. “I already knew who he was.”

“He just doesn’t care,” agreed All-Pro nose tackle Damon Harrison Sr.

Brees’ teammate, Malcolm Jenkins, told him that:

People who share your sentiments, who express those, and [who] push them throughout the world, the airwaves, are the problem. And it’s unfortunate, because I considered you a friend.

I looked up to you. You’re somebody who I had a great deal of respect for. But sometimes, you should shut the f— up.

Dissent. Of course, it defies all reason and understanding to conclude from Brees’ comments that he “just doesn’t care” about the difficulties and obstacles that confront African Americans. But what’s noteworthy about the reaction from many of Brees’ peers is their rank intolerance for contrary points of view.

You either agree with them about taking a knee during the national anthem (ostensibly to protest “systemic racism” and allegedly widespread “police brutality”), or you are indifferent to, or opposed to, fairness, justice, and racial equality.

They will brook no dissent. Different perspectives are not just mistaken or misguided; they are morally repugnant and utterly beyond the pale.

Maoist-Like Recantation. Sadly, Brees has since apologized and recanted, and is now obediently reciting the left-wing, “progressive” creed—to wit: “WE ARE THE PROBLEM,” his wife dutifully wrote on Instagram, as if she had just come out of a Maoist struggle session. “We are not doing enough. I am sorry. We are sorry.”

“We must stop talking about the flag and shift our attention to the real issues of system racial injustice, economic oppression, police brutality, and judicial and prison reform,” Brees dutifully wrote.

NFL Commissioner, Roger Goodell, meanwhile, issued a video statement in which he felt compelled to state that the league “condemns racism and the systematic oppression of black people. 

We, the National Football League, admit we were wrong for not listening to NFL players earlier and encourage all to speak out and peacefully protest.

We, the National Football League, believe Black Lives Matter.

I personally protest with you and want to be a part of the much needed change in this country.

Without black players there would be no National Football League. And the protests around the country are emblematic of the centuries of silence, inequality, and oppression of black players, coaches, fans, and staff…

The irony is that center-left elites say we need to have “an honest dialogue” about race in America, only they don’t really mean that. Because the minute the “dialogue” doesn’t proceed according to how they’ve scripted it, they browbeat the dissenters into submission.

Thus we don’t have an “honest dialogue.” Instead, we have a dishonest monologue, with the dissenters staying quiet because they don’t wish to be libeled as racists and bigots.

Shannon Sharpe, though, is right about one thing: the American flag is supposed to stand for something. It’s supposed to stand for the classically liberal values—including, notably, freedom of thought—upon which our country was founded.

Unfortunately, those values are now under assault by illiberal authoritarians who refuse to acknowledge the legitimacy of points of view that differ from their own.

And when highly influential institutions such as the New York Times and National Football League abandon these values because of a zealous commitment to what they perceive to be a greater good—in this case, racial equality—they endanger not just that allegedly greater good, but the entire American experiment in (classically liberal) self-government.

A republic if you can keep it, warned Benjamin Franklin. America has survived many trials and tribulations to be sure; but increasingly, it looks like Franklin’s warning was prophetic, and not because of anything Trump or the government did or did not do.

Instead, the fault lies with us, the citizenry, and especially our elite, who are rapidly abandoning their commitment to the classically liberal, foundational values that have been our guideposts for more than two centuries.

Most republics have ended up on the ash heap of history because they rotted from within. There is no guarantee that the American republic will be any different.

Feature photo credit: CBS News (Sen. Tom Cotton) and Black Sports Online (Drew Brees).

When Assessing Russia’s War on Ukraine, Ban the Word ‘Escalate’

The West’s fear of ‘escalation’ makes no sense and is seriously undermining Ukraine’s ability to win the war.

As we’ve previously observed, the tendency to see Russia’s war on Ukraine through the antiquated prism of the Cold War has led many analysts astray, and nowhere is the more true than in the oft-expressed concern that the West do nothing that might “escalate” the conflict.

Of course, this concern is idiotic and counterproductive: because in practice, anything that might help Ukraine win and bring this conflict to a swift and successful conclusion is castigated as “escalatory” and, therefore, bad and dangerous. For example:

  • Ditto aircraft, which are critical to a Ukrainian combined arms offensive that could quickly overwhelm Russian forces. Aircraft are deemed “escalatory” and thus a no-go, says President Biden.
  • ATACMS. What about the U.S. Army Tactical Missile System (ATACMS), which would increase Ukraine’s long-range precision strike capabilities by a factor of more than four, from 45 miles to 190 miles? Nope. No can do. Too “escalatory.”
  • Russian Military Targets. Should Ukraine strike Russian military targets that lie within clear view just beyond the Russian-Ukraine border? Absolutely not! That would be the ultimate “escalatory” move.

In short, this fear of “escalation” has seriously narrowed the bounds of permissible Western military action vis-à-vis Russia and Ukraine and with the catastrophic consequence of a longer, more costly, and drawn-out war.

‘Escalation’. But it makes no sense. The fear of “escalation” is a relic of Cold War thinking. It does not reflect current political, military, and strategic realities.

Politically, Ukraine is a free and sovereign country, not a Soviet satellite state, and its existence does not pose an existential threat to Russia, and Russia knows this.

Strategically, there can be no peace and stability in Europe unless and until this conflict is resolved, and this means that either Ukraine or Russia must win. There is no middle-ground or modus vivendi as there was during the Cold War.

The two sides have clear and irreconcilable differences: Russia wants to conquer and subsume Ukraine, and Ukraine wants to be free and independent of Russia.

Militarily, Russia has shown itself to be weak and incompetent, and its possession of nuclear weapons does not change or alter this balance of power.

Russia is not about to risk a strategic nuclear war and the destruction of Moscow for the sake of conquering Ukraine, and tactical nukes give it no real military advantage in Ukraine.

Russia. Russia, in fact, has every reason to fear a larger-scale war with NATO, which is why such a war won’t happen. Russia can barely handle the under-armed Ukrainian Army. It is not about to pick a fight with vastly superior NATO military force.

Russia also fights alone. It has no allies of any military significance other than Iran, which provides Russia with cheap, subpar drones.

China, meanwhile, has wisely decided to sit this one out as it looks askance at Russian military weakness and ineptitude. Chinese state-owned companies are providing Russia with military-applicable parts, but not weapon systems or battlefield assistance.

Fear. Consequently, there is no reason to fear a larger-scale war resulting from “escalation.” There is, however, reason to fear a long and costly, drawn-out war that results from the West’s refusal to adequately arm Ukraine.

A fear of “escalation,” in fact, is a fear of Ukraine winning and Russia losing, and this fear makes no sense. As General Douglas MacArthur observed:

Once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end. War’s very objective is victory, not prolonged indecision. In war there is no substitute for victory.

The bottom line: it is long past time for President Biden and other Western leaders to overcome their utterly misplaced fear of “escalation” and to commit to a Ukrainian victory over Russia.

Give the Ukrainians all of the military weapons systems—tanks, aircraft, long-range precision artillery, armed Reaper drones, et al.—that they need to bring this conflict to a swift and successful conclusion. And do this now, not six or 12 months from now.

The alternative is morally and militarily unconscionable. It is to allow Ukraine to be destroyed and innocent Ukrainian civilians to be slaughtered by the Russian war machine as this conflict grinds on interminably for years. That is in no one’s interest and it is as unnecessary as it is wrong. The Cold War, after all, ended more than 30 years ago.

Feature photo credit: President Biden, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, and French President Emmanuel Macron have refrained from fully arming Ukraine because of their utterly misplaced fear of “escalating” the war. (Pic courtesy of ChannelsTv.com, Johanna Heron, Hannibal Hanschke, Nicolas Kamm / AFP.)

What Does History Portend for Ukraine?

One’s view of the war in Ukraine depends largely on which historical precedent—World War I, World War II, the Cold War, or Iraq and Afghanistan—you think applies.

Michael Brendan Dougherty argues in National Review that American intervention in Ukraine is a “nearly utopian project with obvious, foreseeable risks and potentially ruinous costs.”

Dougherty’s analysis wildly misses the mark. Among his errors: he doesn’t believe the United States has a strategic rationale for seeking to cripple the Russian military in Ukraine, and he believes that by helping Ukraine, we are weakening our position in Taiwan vis-à-vis China.

In truth, of course, Russia has proven, by its actions over the past two decades, that it is an enemy of the United States. So crippling its military in Ukraine absolutely serves the American national interest.

And of course, by aiding Ukraine, militarily, we are exposing—and resolving—problems with our weapons production and supply chain bottlenecks that will redound, ultimately, to the benefit of Taiwan.

We are also learning valuable lessons about what types of weapons systems and tactical approaches might prove most effective at deterring a potential Chinese invasion.

Nonetheless, despite misfiring, Dougherty inadvertently shows how the misapplication of historical precedent has distorted our understanding of Russia’s war on Ukraine.

Iraq and Afghanistan. Although he himself does not explicitly say so, Dougherty, I think, sees the war through the prism of recent history, and specifically, the unsatisfactory American experience in Iraq and Afghanistan. Thus he calls American intervention in Ukraine “a nearly utopian project” that is “peripheral to U.S. interests.”

Of course, that’s how many critics saw and see the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan—as quixotic and costly diversions from core American interests. And the fact that these wars dragged on interminably gives these critics standing in the minds of many Americans who now worry about U.S. involvement in Ukraine.

I do not believe this recent historical precedent is very applicable and for myriad reasons:

Europe is not the Middle East or Central Asia; one sovereign state (Russia) invading another sovereign state (Ukraine) is very different from a civil conflict within one state (Iraq and Afghanistan, respectively); and Ukrainians have demonstrated a fervent sense of nationalism and will to win that was often absent in both Iraq and Afghanistan.

For these and other reasons, the American experience in Iraq and Afghanistan is, I think, an utterly inapt and unhelpful historical precedent—though, to be sure, there are lessons to be learned there.

For example, small numbers of American military advisers and battlefield intelligence can be dramatic force multipliers. That was true in Iraq and Afghanistan, and it is true in Ukraine as well.

(The U.S. military advises Ukrainian soldiers via Zoom or Microsoft Teams; and it trains Ukrainian soldiers at American and NATO military bases in the United States and Europe, but outside of Ukraine.)

Cold War. Another historical precedent that people, including Dougherty, fall back upon is the Cold War. Thus whenever Putin engages in nuclear saber rattling, many Western analysts talk about the importance of learning lessons from the Cuban Missile Crisis and providing Putin with an “off-ramp.”

But during the Cold War, Ukraine was part and parcel of the Soviet Union. Today, by contrast, it is a free, sovereign, and independent country.

The Cuban Missile Crisis, likewise, involved a country (Cuba) that was firmly ensconced in the Soviet orbit. Ukraine, by contrast, is a Western democracy (or aspiring Western democracy) valiantly and heroically seeking to free itself of Russian domination or attempted Russian domination.

For these and other reasons, the strategic and military calculus has radically and necessarily changed from the Cold War to the present day.

Maintaining the balance of power between two superpowers is no longer at issue, as it was during the Cold War. Instead, what matters most is protecting the territorial integrity of independent nation-states like Ukraine.

World War I is another inapt historic precedent. There, competing alliances involving multiple countries led to an unforeseen escalatory spiral that soon engulfed all of Europe, Japan and the United States.

Today, by contrast, Russia fights alone, albeit with the help of Iranian drones. Thus any conceivable world war involving multiple countries would mean only one thing: NATO’s intervention and Russia’s swift and decisive defeat in Ukraine.

Russia knows this, which is why there will no World War I-like escalatory spiral in Ukraine.

World War II. That leaves World War II, which is arguably the most apt and helpful historical precedent for understanding Russia’s war on Ukraine.

Then as now, you had a country hellbent on imperialist conquest and domination. Hitler was determined to establish the Third Reich; Putin is determined to establish a new Russian empire. Then as now the only thing that might stop the dictator is timely Western aid and resolve.

In the 1930s, the West failed and the result was World War II. Today, thanks to the heroic resistance of Ukraine, the West is doing much better; and so, a larger-scale war might yet be averted. Time will tell and we will see.

The bottom line: history can both distort and clarify our understanding of Russia’s war on Ukraine. Not all historical precedent, after all, is equally valid and equally relevant.

Seeing the war through the prism of inapposite conflicts that are fundamentally different leads to misunderstanding and bad analysis. However, similar wartime dynamics from previous eras can be telling and instructive.

Anti-interventionists like Dougherty misfire because they are like old generals who fight the last war. They don’t realize that the conflict has fundamentally changed. The Cold War is over and Ukraine is neither Iraq nor Afghanistan.

Instead, Ukraine is more like Poland or Czechoslovakia in the late 1930s, but with more of a fighting chance if only the West will act with a greater sense of dispatch, or what Martin Luther King, Jr. called “the fierce urgency of now.”

Feature photo credit: Poland 1939, courtesy of Amazon.com.

Ex-Navy Secretary Modly is Wrong About the Media and Wrong About the Military’s Use of the Media

The Acting Secretary of the Navy, Thomas B. Modly, resigned today after public outrage ensued from remarks he gave on the USS Theodore Roosevelt in which he called the ship’s former commanding officer, Brett Crozier, “too naïve or too stupid” to be in charge of an aircraft carrier.

As we reported here at ResCon1 Saturday, Modly relieved Crozier of his command because of a letter Crozier had written detailing the dire situation on the Roosevelt and pleading with the Navy to remove his men from the ship.

Sailors there had become infected with the coronavirus, which, given the close quarters on the ship, risked rapidly spreading throughout the ranks. Crozier’s letter was not classified; more than 20 people were on the receipt line; and it found its way into the San Francisco Chronicle.

There’s a lot to be said about this entire affair. For now, let me make just two observations:

First, I have no doubt that Modly spoke from the heart Monday when he explained to the crew of the USS Theodore Roosevelt why he had relieved their beloved skipper, Captain Brett Crozier, of his command.

Moldy’s remarks are salty, but sincere and genuine; and they should not be discounted simply because he spoke in blunt and earthy terms.

Indeed, calling Crozier “stupid,” or “naïve,” and guilty of “betrayal,” as Modly did, is hardly grounds for outrage if, in fact, Crozier did something that warrants such a description. 

Second, while Moldy’s language hardly warrants condemnation, the sum and substance of his criticism of Crozier is wrong and needs to be refuted.

Most informed observers seem to disagree with me and say the exact opposite: They criticize Modly for his sharp and abrasive attacks on Crozier, and for preempting the Navy’s uniformed leadership, which already had pledged to investigate the matter.

However, they accept Modly’s essential argument, which is that what Crozier did was fundamentally wrong and a bad mistake at best.

I could not disagree more. I think that what Crozier did by writing and releasing his letter was wise, prescient, and in accordance with the finest traditions of the U.S. military.

Let me explain why.

Modly’s most serious charge is that Crozier’s letter emboldened our enemies and compromised the war fighting capabilities of the Roosevelt. As Modly put it, Crozier’s letter 

raised concerns about the operational capabilities and operational security of the ship that could have emboldened our adversaries to seek advantage.

This is, obviously, a very legitimate concern, but one we should reject, and for three reasons:

First, it is no secret that U.S. military personnel serving on ships that routinely dock in foreign ports are at heightened risk of contracting the coronavirus, given their intimate living quarters. So questions were bound to be raised and asked about this.

And in fact, questions were raised about this in the media more than a month ago, in late February and early March 2020.

We live, moreover, in a free and democratic country, where the families of U.S. military personnel rightly demand to know about the health and safety of their deployed service men and women—volunteers all.

The idea that you can keep this information secret in the 21st Century—an age in which everyone has worldwide, instantaneous communication at their fingertips—is ludicrous and unworkable.

Our enemies know that the coronavirus is affecting our military personnel, just as they know it is affecting them and everyone else. A pandemic, after all, is, by definition, an international problem. There are no secrets here to hide or conceal.

Second, our enemies and adversaries—including China, Russia, Iran, al-Qaeda, and ISIS—all have their hands full right now with the coronavirus.

Thus they are in no way ready or prepared to try and exploit this international public health crisis by attacking the awesome power and capability of the United States Navy and Marine Corps.

Thirdas Capt. Crozier explained throughout his letter, in very clear and explicit detail, the ship’s war-fighting mission must and always does take precedence over the health and safety of its sailors. 

“If required,” he wrote

the USS THEODORE ROOSEVELT would embark all assigned Sailors, set sail, and be ready to fight and beat any adversary that dares challenge the U.S. or our allies. The virus would certainly have an impact, but in combat we are willing to take certain risks that are not acceptable in peacetime.

However, we are not at war, and therefore cannot allow a single Sailor to perish as a result of this pandemic unnecessarily. Decisive action is required now in order to comply with the CDC and NAVADMIN 083/20 guidance and prevent traffic outcomes…

“During wartime,” he explained, we

maximize war fighting readiness and capacity as quickly as possible. No timeline necessary. We go to war with the forces we have and fight sick. We never achieve a COVID-free TR. There will be losses to the virus.

In fact, as Crozier pointed out, decisive action was required precisely stop the virus from infecting the entire crew and thereby crippling the Roosevelt’s war-fighting capability. But since “war is not imminent, we recommend pursuing the peacetime end state [emphasis added].

Thus, far from being emboldened to attack because of Crozier’s letter, our enemies instead are deterred: because they know that this commanding officer states explicitly that the ship’s warfighting mission is paramount and will always be pursued regardless of the health of his crew.

In other words, if attacked or called upon, we will fight and go to war come hell or high coronavirus. 

The bigger issue here, though, is whether openness and transparency about the state of our military is an operational weakness or strength. I believe that it is a strength because it allows us to quickly identify problems and correct deficiencies.

Modly doesn’t disagree. He just thinks that the review process has to be done quietly and discreetly behind a veil of secrecy. But history proves this just isn’t the case, and that the opposite is true. Without public exposure and debate, bureaucracies grow hidebound and resistant to change.

We saw this problem in an extreme form in the former Soviet Union, which, for 70 years habitually lied to itself to maintain its power structure, despite obvious and manifest failures that immiserated the country for decades.

The United States, thankfully, has not suffered a similar fate; but that is not because our bureaucracy is necessarily any better. Instead, it is because we live in a free and open country, in which bureaucratic decisions—including bureaucratic-military decisions—are routinely subject to scrutiny, criticism and debate.

The media are an integral part of this self-correction and improvement process.

Washington Post reporter Greg Jaffee notes, for instance, that, in 2007, at the height of the Iraq War, the Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, thanked USA Today for stories that exposed problems with armored vehicles in Iraq. Gates appreciated USA Today’s reporting because it prodded the Pentagon to make more timely vehicular improvements, which saved American lives.

“Gates, likewise, praised [Washington Post reporters] Dana Priest and Anne Hull for their series exposing problems at Walter Reed,” notes New York Times reporter Peter Baker.

“I would say when there is an article critical of us, don’t go into a defensive crouch. Maybe you’ve just been handed a gift to solve a problem [that] you didn’t know existed,” Gates then said.

Sure, in the heat of battle and the fog of war, secrecy may be paramount and justified. Of course. But aside from those rare moments of actual conflict, secrecy is a big mistake and a weak rationalization that bureaucrats like Modly use to hide their failures and conceal their mistakes.

In truth, the United States, and the U.S. military in particular, benefit from being so open and transparent about our issues and challenges. That is not a weakness; it is a comparative advantage—and it is a big reason we retain a decided edge over our enemies.

Yet, incredibly, Modly told sailors and Marines in Guam that “there is no, no situation where you go to the media: because the media has an agenda.”

A Soviet commissar could not have put it any better. But this bureaucratic edict was bad in the original Russian, and it’s no better in English.

In truth, the media have an important role to play. And a military that has nothing to hide, and which understands the necessity and importance of outside input and review, should encourage, not shun, media scrutiny. Bring it on. Now more than ever.

Feature photo credit: Thomas B. Modly via Newport Buzz.

DeSantis’s Ukraine Statement Shows He Follows Trump, Not Reagan

Because DeSantis has adopted Trump’s foreign policy of appeasement, Reagan conservatives no longer can support him. Instead, they must look to other 2024 GOP presidential candidates.

The war for the Republican Party can best be understood as pitting Reaganites against Trumpsters.

Reaganites believe in fiscal responsibility, debt reduction, free trade, peace through strength, a proactive and assertive U.S. foreign policy, and honest, judicious administration of government.

Trumpsters believe in fiscal irresponsibility, debt expansion, protectionism, appeasement and retreat, a go-it-alone, hidebound U.S. foreign policy, and a chaotic and suspect administration of government.

Those of us who had supported Florida Governor Ron DeSantis for the 2024 presidential nomination had hoped that he would pick up the Reagan mantle, take the fight to Trump, and reclaim the Republican Party, so that, once again, we can enjoy conservative political victories and not the steady and mounting stream of political losses brought about by the Trumpsters.

DeSantis’s Statement. Alas, as we now know, through the release of DeSantis’s statement about Russia and Ukraine to MAGA political boss Tucker Carlson, it is not to be. DeSantis has revealed himself as a political disciple not of Reagan but of Trump.

Indeed, like his mentor, Donald Trump, DeSantis calls Russia’s illegal and horrific war on Ukraine a “territorial dispute” that is not a vital interest of the United States. And he warns against becoming “further entangled” in this “territorial dispute,” because it “distracts from our country’s most pressing challenges.”

Of course, much the same could have been said, and was said, about Nazi Germany’s “territorial disputes” with Poland and Czechoslovakia.

But farsighted conservative leaders then (Winston Churchill, for instance) recognized that the attempted Nazi German subjugation of Europe was not a “territorial dispute”; it was an attempt to conquer and enslave other countries and other peoples.

The same is true today of Russia’s war on Ukraine: It is not a “territorial dispute.” It is a naked attempt by one country to conquer and subsume another. And, as every American president, Republican and Democrat, has recognized since at least the Second World War, the United States has a vital national interest in ensuring that Europe remains peaceful, stable, and free.

China. DeSantis points out that the United States must devote its efforts to “checking the economic, cultural, and military power of the Chinese Community Party.”

This is true. But China is formally aligned with Russia and will draw either inspiration of perspiration from our success or failure in Ukraine.

After all “nothing succeeds like success. Countries respect the prerogatives of the strong or successful horse. Failure, by contrast, breeds more failure.

DeSantis doesn’t seem to understand this. Nor does he seem to realize that the United States needs allies to confront China. But how likely are the Europeans to help us confront China if we abandon them on Ukraine?

China has designs on Taiwan. Is that also a “territorial dispute” which DeSantis thinks we should avoid becoming “entangled” in? Certainly, the analysis that he applies to Ukraine applies as well to Taiwan, a fact that is not lost on the Communist leaders of China.

DeSantis says that “the Biden administration’s policies have driven Russia into a defacto alliance with China.”

But the historical record clearly shows that China and Russia have had a defacto alliance against America and the West for many years. DeSantis suggests that appeasing Russia in Ukraine will somehow make Russia nice again.

Really? Why would anyone think this, given Russia’s two decades of antagonism toward the United States?

Arming Ukraine. DeSantis says that we mustn’t provide Ukraine with F-16s and long-range missiles, because these would enable Ukraine to “engage in offensive operations beyond its borders.”

This, he warns, “would risk explicitly drawing the United States into the conflict” and possible result in a “hot war between the world’s two largest nuclear powers. That risk is unacceptable,” he declares.

But aircraft and long-range missiles are needed to help Ukraine defeat Russia. Is DeSantis opposed to Ukraine winning and retaining its independence and sovereignty?

Moreover, how does Ukraine defeating Russia increase the likelihood of a hot war between Russia and the United States? If anything, the opposite is true, no?

A defeated and chastened Russia exhausted from its war in Ukraine is far less likely to confront the United States simply because it lacks the means and wherewithal to do so.

Escalation. Finally, DeSantis warns against “regime change” in Russia and an “escalation” of the war in Ukraine.

But the Ukrainians obviously are not fighting for “regime change” in Russia. They are fighting for their territorial integrity, independence, and sovereignty. And an “escalation,” or further war, is likely if Ukraine loses, not if it wins.

If Ukraine loses, then an emboldened Russia will seek to cause further mischief for the United States in Asia and the Middle East, even as it looks for new “spheres of influence” (read: territorial subjugation and conquest) within Europe.

DeSantis warns against a “blank check” for Ukraine, but it looks like he would give Putin a “blank check” in Ukraine and Eastern Europe. Is that in the American national interest?

Conclusion. For these reasons, GOP voters who take foreign policy seriously cannot possibly support DeSantis for president in 2024.

Instead, they must look elsewhere: to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley, Senator Tim Scott, and Vice President Mike Pence. These men and women appear to be Reagaites. DeSantis, unfortunately, is a Trumpster.

Feature photo credit: Trump and DeSantis, two peas in the same isolationist or non-interventionist foreign policy pod, courtesy of Vanity Fair.

Jacob Anthony Chansley and the January 6 Miscarriage of Justice

Chansley and other Jan. 6 defendants are peaceful and simple-minded dupes who got played by Trump and were screwed by the Biden Department of Injustice.

The Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the U.S. Capitol was a shameful and disgraceful event for which President Trump was rightfully impeached (by the House of Representatives) and wrongfully acquitted (by the Senate).

As a result, no American who loves his country should ever think of voting for Trump in the 2024 presidential election.

If our ex-president had any sense of honor and shame, he would devote himself to good deeds and public works of charity and penance rather than run again for president.

But Trump’s dishonor and impeachable conduct does not mean that the thousands of Americans who came to the nation’s capital Jan. 6 were all “insurrectionists” who “threatened our democracy.”

Peaceful Dupes. This characterization is simply untrue as we knew at the time and as we now know in more detail today. The vast majority of the protesters, in fact, were peaceful but simple-minded dupes who were played and taken in by Trump’s lies and deception.

Two to three hundred of the protesters, by contrast, were violent agitators who used flag poles, baseball bats, bear spray, and other items to violently assault the police. These violent agitators deserve swift and appropriate punishment. No one disputes that.

Yet, in a gross act of prosecutorial overreach, many peaceful Jan. 6 protesters reportedly have been charged with crimes and subsumed into the criminal justice system for months upon months of never-ending incarceration and administrative delay while their cases are reviewed and prosecuted.

For many of the protesters, their “crime” was to show up at the Capitol and “trespass” into the building, thereby “obstructing” an official federal proceeding.

Trespassing and Obstruction. But the charge of “trespassing” and “obstruction” is manifestly unfair when you consider that most of the protesters genuinely believed they had a right to enter the Capitol. Trump himself basically said they had that right in his earlier Jan. 6 speech inciting them to “stop the steal.”

The Capitol, after all, is often referred to as “the people’s house.” The inference is that since the Capitol, or “people’s house,” is paid for and supported by the taxpaying public, then the public has a right to enter the building.

For this reason, some of the protesters shouted “This is our house!” as they stormed into the Capitol building. And in fact, the Capitol historically has been open and hospitable to visiting constituents in a way that other federal buildings (e.g., the FBI headquarters and the Pentagon) have not been.

The Capitol Police, moreover, implicitly buttressed this notion when, at some entry points, they opened the doors of the Capitol and stood by and watched as protesters streamed into the building.

We saw this in video taken by participants and observers of the Jan. 6 protest. And we see it again with the release of some 41,000 hours of surveillance video, snippets of which were shown on Fox News this week by Tucker Carlson.

Now, Carlson is no one’s idea of a fair or honest journalist. His reporting and analysis of Russia’s war on Ukraine has been dishonest and objectively pro-Putin and anti-Ukraine. But the Jan. 6 video that Carlson has shown doesn’t lie.

One defendant in particular, Jacob Anthony Chansley, appears to have been unfairly singled out for harsh and excessive punishment.

Chansely was sentenced to 41 months in prison for “obstruction of an official proceeding.” But as law professor Jonathan Turley observes:

The newly released Fox footage from that day raises serious questions over the prosecution and punishment of Chansley. The videotapes aired on Tucker Carlson this week show Chansley being escorted by officers through the Capitol.

Two officers appear to not only guide him to the floor but actually appear to be trying to open locked doors for him.

At one point, Chansley is shown walking unimpeded through a large number of armed officers with his four-foot flag-draped spear and horned Viking helmet on his way to the Senate floor.

Why didn’t the police stop Chansley? Because, we are told, there was a violent riot going on nearby and the outnumbered police were trying to “deescalate the situation.” Confronting Chansley, we are told, by Andrew C. McCarthy,

might have attracted attention and sparked a forcible reaction from him and other demonstrators. That would have been dangerous for the police (many of whom suffered injuries during the uprising) and for the demonstrators (one of whom was killed by an officer, and others of whom died during that afternoon’s frenzy).

The police objective, in those moments, was to stabilize an already bad situation so that it did not become a bloodletting.

Self-Serving Rationalization. I’m sorry, but this is a hyperbolic and self-serving rationalization for the Capitol Police interactions with Chansley. And it simply does not comport with the factual record, the video footage, and the geography of the Capitol building.

Yes, there was a violent riot that was developing outside of the Capitol; and there was a swarm of loud and agitated protesters within other parts of the Capitol. But as Turley points out, at the time in question, Chansley was far removed from the crowd, the noise, and the agitation.

At no point in the videotapes does Chansley appear violent or threatening. Indeed, he appears to thank the officers for their guidance and assistance. On the Senate floor, Chansley actually gave a prayer to thank the officers who agreed “to allow us into the building.”

The “new footage,” notes Wilfred Reilly, “reveals that Chansley and his first line of protesters/rioters were heavily outnumbered—at one point nine to one—by Capitol force officers with semi-automatic sidearms once inside the building.”

Adds New York Post reporter Miranda Devine:

In a jailhouse interview played by Carlson, he [Chansley], says: “The one very serious regret that I have [is] believing that when we were waved in by the police officers, that it was acceptable.”

And how, exactly, was Chansley, engaged in “obstruction of an official proceeding”? He walked into an empty Senate gallery opened for him by the Capitol Police. And for that, this nonviolent, first offender, and Navy veteran was given a “heavy 41-month sentence” after initially being held in solitary confinement, Turley notes.

Violent offenders, by contrast, are sometimes given much lighter sentences. David Jakubonis, for instance, was charged last year with second degree assault for attacking New York GOP gubernatorial candidate Rep. Lee Zeldin.

Jakubonis was arrested July 23, 2022, and released in late October “under strict conditions,” according to RochsterFirst.com.

He would have to go through a 28-day alcohol program at the VA in Bath, he would wear a GPS monitor and a monitor to gauge his alcohol intake, and after the Bath program, go to Veterans Treatment Court and live at the Richards House—a housing program provided by the Veterans Outreach Center.

Evidence Withheld. In light of all this, why did the Judge Royce Lamberth, who adjudicated Chansley’s case, come down so hard on him?

In large part, says Turley, because the judge didn’t know what we now know. He didn’t see the same video footage that we all have now seen.

Incredibly, this footage was withheld from Chansley’s attorney—even though, in the American legal system, exculpatory evidence must be shared with a defendant and his attorney.

“I have great respect for Judge Lamberth,” says Turley. He “has always shown an admirable resistance to public pressure in high profile cases. I cannot imagine that Lamberth would not have found this footage material and frankly alarming.”

The bottom line: justice is supposed to be blind and discriminating. But it is hard not to conclude that in the case of Chansley—and doubtless other wrongly maligned Jan. 6 defendants as well—justice was politicized, disproportionate, and vengeful.

Chansley and other like-minded Jan. 6 defendants are guilty of being simple-minded dupes who fell for Trump’s lies and deception. But they are not violent insurrectionists. They threatened no one and they assaulted no one. Others did and they deserve their punishment and comeuppance.

But Chansley deserves better—and America deserves better—than the miscarriage of justice carried out against him without liberty and justice for all in the name of freedom and democracy.

Our nation should right this wrong even as it rejects Trump’s contemptible quest to regain the presidency.

Feature photo credit: Jan. 6 defendant Jacob Anthony Chansley, courtesy of CBS News.