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Schumer’s Attack on the Supreme Court Is the Democrats’ Latest Attempt to Intimidate and Politicize the Judiciary

Most independent observers, left and right, have rightly lambasted Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-New York) for literally threatening two Supreme Court justices if they do not rule in favor of abortion rights in a case now pending before the Court.

What no one seems to have noticed, though, is that Schumer’s threat is part and parcel of the Democratic Party’s dangerous and decades-long politicization of the judiciary, and its ongoing attempt to subvert the courts to serve blatantly political ends.

Most of the Democratic presidential candidates, for instance, supported a court-packing scheme to ensure that the Supreme Court rules in a “progressive” way which ensures politically correct or desirable results.

Pete Buttigieg, for example, proposed expanding the number of justices on the court from nine to 15 through a selection process ostensibly designed to depoliticize the Court, but which, in reality, is itself highly politicized.

Joe Biden, who will be the Democratic presidential nominee, says he’s opposed to a Court-packing scheme. Yet, he nonetheless pledges to subject his Court appointments to a political litmus test in which would-be justices must affirm their commitment to Roe-v.-Wade, abortion rights, and other left-wing, “progressive” political goals.

Politicization. This is, sadly, unsurprising. The attempt to politicize the courts, and the Supreme Court in particular, has reached a fever pitch on the left, with well-funded left-wing groups making this a high priority.

The left’s attack on the independence and integrity of the judiciary is also dangerous. This “is something we recognize as a banana-republic tactic when we see it in other countries,” writes National Review’s Dan McLaughlin. “Court-packing,” he notes,

is a Rubicon we should dread to cross. It last appeared on the national agenda in 1937, the high-water mark of one-party federal government at home and ideological authoritarianism around the globe.

Even then, it was roundly rejected by the American body politic. In one swoop, it would irreparably destroy the American tradition of judicial independence of the political branches.

In short order, this would end the American experiment of the rule of law and a government of separated and limited powers.

But Democrats and the left care little for what they clearly consider to be Constitutional niceties. What matters to them are results.

And, if they cannot achieve their desired political ends through the legislative branch of government, as the Constitution prescribes, then they will seek redress in the judiciary and the courts.

This has been happening for decades, as Democrats and the left have short-circuited the democratic process to achieve political results in the courts that they never could have achieved—or would have achieved more slowly and incrementally—in Congress and the state legislatures.

However, the left’s grip on the judiciary, and the Supreme Court in particular, is threatened now with the appointments of a new generation of originalist justices and judges who have a more modest and limited view of the judiciary’s role in American political life.

Indeed, as the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, John Roberts, famously put it in his 2005 Congressional confirmation hearing:

Judges are like umpires. Umpires don’t make the rules; they apply them. The role of an umpire and a judge is critical. They make sure everybody plays by the rules. But it is a limited role.

Democrats and the left, though, don’t view the Court’s role as limited; they view it as supreme, at least if it is pursuing a left-wing political agenda. Consequently, they are positively apoplectic that they are losing their grip on the judiciary.

That’s why they went to war over the nomination of Brett Kavanaugh, deploying mob intimidation tactics that we more often see in a banana-republic, not a mature and modern democracy.

Justice Kavanaugh, of course, and his colleague Justice Gorsuch, are the Court’s newest members; they were appointed by President Trump; and they have yet to fully rule on a host of matters, including but not limited to, abortion.

Sen. Schumer is not a stupid man. He is a graduate of Harvard College and Harvard Law School, and he boasts of achieving a perfect score on his SATs. He knew exactly what he was doing: He was laying down a marker for these new justices, and letting them know that they had better rule in politically correct fashion—or else.

Schumer has since apologized, but the damage to the rule of law and the integrity of our political and legal institutions already has been done. Democrats and the left have put the justices, and the judiciary more generally, on notice:

If you do not hew to the “progressive” political agenda, “you will pay the price,” as Schumer put it. “You won’t know what hit you,” and you will reap “the whirlwind.” This is frightening talk, made all the more dangerous because of the mob intimidation tactics sanctioned and encouraged by Democrats and the left.

And what makes these remarks all the more frightening is the spate of mass shootings in recent years by deranged individuals with political axes to grind.

It was only three years ago, after all, that a nut with a manifest hatred for Republicans almost wiped out the entire House Republican leadership and some two dozen GOP congressmen.

Unsurprising. Unfortunately, we should not be surprised by Schumer’s dangerous attempt to cow and intimidate the Supreme Court’s newest justices.

Democrats and the left have long made it their life’s political work to capture the judiciary and to use the courts for blatantly political purposes. And, to a disconcerting extent, they have been successful. 

But with Trump’s appointment of Gorsuch and Kavanaugh to the Court, that project is now threatened, and Democrats and the left are lashing out. Indeed, Schumer’s condemnable outburst wasn’t their first such attack and, sadly, it won’t be their last.

Feature photo credit: News Thud.

Why Has the West Been So Late to Arm Ukraine?

America and NATO viewed Ukraine through the prism of Iraq and Afghanistan—two countries that seemed to lack the will to fight for themselves. They did not realize: Ukraine is very different.

“We must get aid to Ukraine NOW,” tweeted Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas). “No half-measures.”

“Please NATO leaders, send all MIG fighter jets that we have—70 altogether, 27 alone in Poland—to Ukraine right now. NOW!” added Michael McFaul, a former U.S. Ambassador to Russia under President Obama and now a Professor of Political Science at Stanford.

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi must “put the Ukraine aid bill on the floor Monday for the U.S. to send desperately needed military and humanitarian aid to Ukraine now,” agreed Senator Mitt Romney (R-Utah).

“Waiting on the congressional calendar is unacceptable when people are dying,” he tweeted.

Finally, albeit quite belatedly, America and NATO are arming the Ukrainians. What started out as a token gesture designed simply to show solidarity and friendship with Ukraine has morphed into a serious and sustained effort to enable the Ukrainians to fight off a brutal Russian invasion.

Will it be too little too late? Let us hope not. But it is instructive to understand why the West has been so tardy and myopic about the moral, military, and geo-strategic necessity of arming Ukraine early and earnestly.

The reason is Iraq and Afghanistan. Old generals sometimes mistakenly fight the last war. America and NATO viewed Ukraine through the prism of Iraq and Afghanistan.

The West’s two most recent wars required many American and NATO “boots on the ground” for more than a decade to achieve, ultimately, very little. Western policymakers feared that Ukraine would be another allegedly hopeless cause not worth the hassle and the expense.

The expectation was that, in the face of a vastly superior Russian military force, the Ukrainians would run, hide, and fold—just as, candidly, many Iraqis and many Afghans had abandoned the battlefield in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars.

“Three U.S. officials have told Newsweek they expect Ukraine’s capital Kyiv to fall to incoming Russian forces within days, and the country’s resistance to be effectively neutralized soon thereafter…

“They expect Kyiv to be taken within 96 hours, and then the leadership of Ukraine to follow in about a week’s time.”

That was written Feb. 24, in the early hours of the Russian invasion. Today, 10 days later, March 5, retired Army four-star General Jack Keane says that Russian military forces are “not even close” to Kyiv.

Ukrainians Fight. “They have not been able to encircle the city, which is their plan,” Keane told Wall Street Journal Editorial Page Editor Paul Gigot on Fox News.

The Ukrainians have held them up… You just can’t give them enough credit… They’re standing off a formidable force in the north [of Ukraine], and that force has stalled.

The [Russians] have lost their operational momentum, and there’s nobody behind them.

I mean, there’s not 50,000, 60,000, 70,000 troops that they’re [the Russians] gonna be able to bring up here. They [the Russians] have committed their forces…

So when Zelensky’s screaming [that] he needs arms and ammunition, and the rest of it, we better be getting it to him.

Because he has real opportunity here to do some serious damage to the Russians, and it certainly, [will] impact what an occupation would look like.

Volodymyr Zelensky. Western policymakers, obviously, did not know or understand Ukraine. They did not know Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, and they did not understand the Ukrainian people.

Far from running, hiding, and folding, Zelensky and the Ukrainian people have been profiles in courage, tenacity and determination.

I need ammunition, not a ride,” said Zelensky when the United States offered to evacuate him from the country, warning that Russian mercenaries had been sent to find and assassinate him.

France 24 reports from Kyiv:

“Our fighting spirit is 120 percent. We’re ready to defend our country. “We’re not going to surrender. Never,” says Mikhail, a military engineer.

“Eight years of war in Donbas and still Putin hasn’t admitted his troops were there. But in those eight years, the Ukrainian military has learned how to fight its vile enemy. And now the Russians are suffering heavy losses.”

Another soldier says, “We’re not afraid. We’ve grown tired of fear. We have no other choice but to defend our country. We have to win for our next generation of children—for our future and our freedom.”

The New York Times reports:

In a matter of days, Kyiv went from a busy, cosmopolitan European capital to a war zone—with many citizens abandoning their day jobs and taking up the arms being shipped in en masse.

Now, the newly armed civilians and members of various paramilitary groups are fighting under the loose command of the military in an organization called the Territorial Defense Forces.

The national call to arms and the mobilization of ordinary citizens to repel the Russian invader does not have any obvious parallels in recent global conflicts,”Mats Berdal, a professor of conflict and security studies at King’s College London, said.

Indeed, Ukraine ain’t Iraq or Afghanistan, and Western policymakers should have known this. Iraq and Afghanistan were, in many ways, civil wars within existing countries. Ukraine, by contrast, is being invaded by a foreign country, Russia, that seeks to conquer and subjugate it.

Ukrainians recall the horrid brutality of life under Soviet occupation during the Cold War, notes Eugene Bondarenko, a lecturer at the University of Michigan’s Department of Slavic Languages and Literature.

Thus they see Russia’s latest attempt to subjugate them “as nothing less than an existential threat… Putin has come to destroy Ukrainian culture, language, society and statehood. That’s why Ukraine fights,” Bondarenko explains.

Cohen and Clausewitz. “Why did so many highly intelligent and educated observers get so much wrong?” asks Eliot A. Cohen, a professor at The Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies.

In large part because of the conventional Western “focus on technology at the expense of the human element in war.” Cohen references Carl von Clausewitz’s classic On War to understand why Ukraine ain’t Iraq or Afghanistan.

“War,” Cohen writes, echoing Clausewitz,

is a contest of wills; it is unpredictable; it is the domain of accident and contingency; nothing goes as planned; and events are smothered in a fog created by misinformation and fear.

Patriotic fervor, hatred of the invader, and knowledge of place and home weigh a great deal, and thus far so they have.

But a passionate desire for freedom and independence, coupled with an indomitable will to win, can carry a people on so far.

Brute Russian force and a clear Russian willingness to commit war crimes ultimately will prevail—unless America and NATO can rush arms and equipment to Ukraine fast enough to alter the political and military equation.

Will the West succeed or will it be a day late and a dollar short, as they say? We don’t know. Time will tell. Stay tuned.

What we do know is that the war in Ukraine is very different from the recent American wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the West needs to respond accordingly.

Feature photo credit: Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky (L) and Russian dictator Vladimir Putin (R), courtesy of Newsweek.

Now That the Market Has Suffered an Historic Collapse, Should You Start Buying Stocks Again?

On Feb. 29, 2020, I argued that “the stock market correction was overdue irrespective of the coronavirus and is nothing to fear.” At the time, U.S. equities had lost more than $3.18 trillion in the worst weekly sell-off since the 2008 financial crisis.

“Should you divest yourself of all stocks and hide your money under the mattress until the panic subsides? No, of course not,” I wrote. “Stock market corrections occur with some regularity and are to be expected.”

Since then, of course, the market has continued to crater. Why? Because the U.S. economy is shutting down as a result of the coronavirus. Thus a healthy and inevitable market pullback has now been exacerbated in the extreme by a “black swan” event that traders did not foresee.

It happens, or at least it happened. The question now is: what should you do?

History Lesson. Well, first off, let’s learn from history, so that we don’t repeat the same mistake next time the market skyrockets. 

A sage bit of investing advice says: “Bulls make money; bears make money; but pigs get slaughtered.” For this reason, it is always a good idea to take some of money off of the table, or out of the market, after a big bull run.

We noted here at ResCon1 that, just before late Feb. sell-off,

the major stock indexes—the SPY, QQQ, and DIA, for instance—had all hit 52-week highs.

The market had been climbing higher and higher almost without interruption for some time. We were due for a pullback. It was inevitable.

For this reason, cashing in at least in part after the market indexes hit 52-week highs on the strength of a long and sustained bull run would have been the wise and prudent thing to do.

That’s Investing 101. But if you failed to do that, don’t fret or worry. You are where you are and time can heal all financial wounds.

In truth, it is exceedingly difficult to predict a market bottom. However, the market has dropped so far so fast that there is good reason to think we may have hit a bottom, if not the bottom. So now may be a good time to begin buying stocks again.

Investor Bill Miller, for instance, told CNBC that “this is an exceptional buying opportunity

“There have been four great buying opportunities in my adult lifetime,” he said.

“The first was in 1973 and ’74, the second was in 1982, the third was in 1987 and the fourth was in 2008 and 2009. And this is the fifth one.” 

Miller said these historic opportunities were mainly event-driven.

In 1973, there was the Yom Kippur War in the Middle East. A severe recession crashed the U.S. economy in 1982. There was a dramatic, albeit short-lived, stock market crash in 1987. And of course, in 2008 and 2009 there was the Great Recession.

“Those are the sorts of events that you see when markets are making historic lows. The news is just bleak all around,” Miller added. 

Miller, CNBC’s Maggie Fitzgerald reports, is

chairman and chief investment officer of Miller Value Partners… [He] beat the market for 15 straight years while working at Legg Mason…

[His] firm posted a return of 119.5% last year net of fees… Those gains more than made up for the firm’s 33.8% loss in 2018.”

Moreover, CNBC’s Brian Sullivan observes that, according to InsiderScore.com, corporate executives have “started  buying their own company’s stock either at, or nearly at, record levels.” Last week, for instance,

more than 1,300 top executives got into the market. Small caps, energy, financial company executives—they [all] had more buyers than at any time in their history, even more than at the depths of the [2008] financial crisis.

And insider buying across the entire market is getting close to that level as well. it is now at its highest level since November 2008…

InsiderScore.com notes that they’re not calling a market bottom. CEOs aren’t perfect market timers. But they do note CEO buying peaked in late 2008. Maybe a little good news on the market front.

Indeed, CNBC’s Jim Cramer thinks the doom and gloom about the U.S. economy and the markets is excessive and overwrought.

“Given the beating the market’s taken over the last couple of months, I think this it the wrong time to go full doom and gloom,” he said tonight on Mad Money.

I know the situation [with the U.S. economy] will get worse, probably a lot worse, before it gets better; but it will get better. And sometimes the stocks reflect that before we get to where it gets better.

We’re not some pitiless, helpless giant that’s powerless in the face of this pandemic…

The 1987 crash turned out to be a fabulous buying opportunity, not a selling opportunity. It could happen again.”

Williams Indicators. Cramer observes that, according to the legendary market technician, Larry Williams, the market has hit an extreme panic level. This is “the single most reliable indicator of a trend shift from bearish to bullish that there is.”

Cramer quotes Williams:

None of the tools of the trade that I have in my arsenal have done this good a job of calling major stock market lows. For almost 90 years we have seen bull markets begin at these times of extreme panic.

According to Williams, there have been 24 “extreme panic” signals in the last 87 years, and 18 of these 24 times the market has bottomed within three weeks. In 16 of these 24 times the market has bottomed within one week.

Cramer finds Williams’ analysis convincing and says that he likes these odds.

On the other hand, as Fast Money analyst Dan Nathan points out, there typically are “fierce bear market rallies off of lows.”

In 2001, he says, there were two 20 percent rallies that failed before we made new lows. In 2002 there was a failed 20 percent rally that gave way to a new low. And, in 2008, there was similar price action. 

“It took two years,” Nathan says, “for the market to bottom.”

Nathan acknowledges that this latest downturn is notable for its speed and velocity. Still, he says, it will take some time for the market to bottom.

So, if you’re buying now, understand that there likely will be lower lows, and be “comfortable with further losses,” he says.

The bottom line: know yourself. Know your appetite and tolerance for risk and act accordingly.

Realize that while no one can foresee the future, our investment decisions should, nonetheless, be guided by historical experience: because there are clear and discernible patterns that repeat themselves in the market each and every day, week, month, year, and decade.

Thus it is OK to take money out of the market when new highs are reached, and it is OK to reinvest when new lows are plumbed. It also is OK to make short-term trades rather than long-term investments.

You do not, after all, want to be the passive victim of financial conditions, market downturns, and “black swan” events.

Instead, you want to take (financial) advantage of market conditions and market-moving events, and now may be an especially good time to begin doing so.

Feature photo credit: Jim Cramer in Rocket News.

The Senate Should Censure Senator Schumer for Threatening Two Supreme Court Justices

Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Missouri) has introduced a resolution calling on the Senate to censure Sen. Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-New York) for threatening two Supreme Court Justices, Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh.

The resolution has 14 Republican cosponsors, but won’t ever pass the Senate, even though the Republicans have a majority there.

The reason: too many Republican senators, such as Lindsey Graham (South Carolina), are opposed to the move because they fear it would ignite a tit for tat by Democrats, who then would demand that the Senate censure President Trump.

Graham’s concern is legitimate and understandable, but he’s wrong. Whatever the merits of the case for censuring Trump because of his misconduct vis-à-vis Ukraine, the stark reality is that what Sen. Schumer did is clearly and obviously wrong and deserves to be censured.

This isn’t a matter of partisan politics, or at least is should not be a matter of partisan politics. Instead, this is matter of institutional integrity and ensuring that standards of conduct and behavior are maintained and enforced.

For any institution, but Congress especially, this matters. Public trust and confidence can only be maintained if institutions police themselves and discipline their own.

Institutional Integrity. In fact, one big reason the public holds Congress in low regard is that, as Yuval Levin explains in an interview with National Public Radio (NPR), it doesn’t see Congress maintaining or promoting an institutional ethic that shapes its members in a reliable and responsible way.

Levin has written a new and important book, A Time to Build: From Family and Community to Congress and the Campus, How Recommitting to Our Institutions Can Revive the American Dream. And while his aforementioned comment to NPR wasn’t directed at Congress or Schumer in particular, it nonetheless applies here.

How can the public trust Congress if the institution doesn’t stand for anything more than the will of the majority? And how can public confidence be maintained if standards of propriety, decency and respect are routinely flouted to secure rank partisan gain?

As Levin succinctly puts its: “We trust an institution when we think that it forms the people within it to be trustworthy.”

Rule of Law. Moreover, as National Review’s Andrew McCarthy points out, censure is necessary to bolster the rule of law.

Schumer, after all, issued his threats on the steps of the Supreme Court while playing to a mob trying that was trying to shape or influence a Court decision that should be immune or indifferent to political considerations.

What should guide the Court’s decision, exclusively, as McCarthy observes, is the rule of law and applying the law dispassionately, without fear, favor or prejudice, to the particular case at hand. Yet, Schumer used political intimidation tactics and threats explicitly to undermine the Court and the rule of law.

“That should rate censure,” McCarthy argues. “Case closed.” He’s right.

Censure, as the Senate explains on its website, is

less severe than expulsion [and] sometimes referred to as [a] condemnation or denouncement. [It] does not remove a senator from office.

It is a formal statement of disapproval, however, that can have a powerful psychological effect on a member and his/her relationships in the Senate.

In 1834, the Senate censured President Andrew Jackson – the first and only time the Senate censured a president. Since 1789 the Senate has censured nine of its members.

Censure. It is long past time for the Senate to censure its tenth member, Charles E. Schumer—not as a form of partisan warfare or political retribution, but rather as a statement of institutional honor and integrity. 

No American, and certainly no member of the United States Senate, the world’s greatest deliberative body, should ever threaten a sitting justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. Surely, all of us, Democrats and Republicans alike, can agree that this is unacceptable and beyond the pale.

Let the Senate, then, demonstrate to all Americans and to the world that it expects and demands better. It expects and demands of itself and its members professional conduct, respect for the Constitutionally prescribed powers and authority of the Supreme Court and the judiciary, and civil discourse, dialogue and debate.

As it concerns Sen. Schumer, the way to demonstrate this commitment is through the power of the censure, which should rarely be used, but also not disused. Indeed, there are times when the censure is needed and necessary, and now is one of those times.

Feature photo credit: News Metropolis.

Tuberville: Wrong about Some Things, but Right about the Nazis Being Socialists

The media think they caught Senator-Elect Tuberville speaking idiocy, but the real idiots are in the media.

When a politician misspeaks or says something that appears to be egregiously wrong, one of two things happens, and for two distinct reasons:

One. The remarks are mostly ignored and downplayed. The media recognize that the politician misspoke, or got something wrong, but don’t think his remarks are indicative of some larger and more important truth about the politician.

Everyone, after all, misspeaks and gets things wrong from time to time—even (and perhaps especially?) President-Elect Biden! It’s no big deal; there’s nothing to see here. Let’s move on.

Two. However, if the media believes that the misspoken or erroneous remarks reflect some larger truth about the politician—i.e., that he is ignorant and stupid—then his remarks are publicized and played up.

So it is that the media have castigated Senator-Elect Tommy Tuberville (R-Alabama) for making remarks that they believe are obviously ignorant and boneheaded during a recent interview with the Alabama Daily News.

As the New York Times reports, Tuberville

misidentified the three branches of the federal government, claimed erroneously that World War II was a battle against socialism, and wrongly asserted that former Vice President Al Gore was president-elect for 30 days.

Tuberville is a former football coach at Auburn University. He defeated former Republican Senator and Trump Administration Attorney General Jeff Sessions during the GOP primary.

Conservatives warned Alabama voters about Tuberville. He is “amazingly ignorant on national issues,” reported Quin Hillyer in the Washington Examiner.

“The national media,” he added, “will have a field day with Coach Tuberville.”

So this is no doubt the first of many Tuberville comments that the media will hold up as an example of Republican ignorance and stupidity.

Unfair enough. Despite the glaring double standard, if Tuberville or any other politician makes a boneheaded comment, they should be flagged and called out.

Of course, it would be nice for a change if Democratic politicians also were flagged and called out when they misspeak or say something stupid.

Errors. Be that as it may, Tuberville obviously erred when he referred to the House, the Senate, and the executive branch as the three branches of the federal government.

In fact, the three branches of the federal government are the executive branch or the presidency, the legislative branch (Senate and House), and the judiciary, which includes the Supreme Court.

The separation of powers, moreover, was designed to keep any one branch of government from having too much power; it was not designed to prevent any one political party from monopolizing the three branches of government.

And no, Al Gore was not President-Elect for 30 days before the Supreme Court intervened to stop a partial and selective recount ordered by the Florida Supreme Court.

Still, Tuberville’s larger-scale point about allowing the political and legal processes to exhaust themselves before declaring a winner in the 2020 presidential election is perfectly sound and legitimate.

World War II. As for his claim that World War II was a fight against socialism, well, that, too, is not exactly right. There were many self-avowed socialists, after all, who were passionately anti-fascist, and who eagerly took up arms against Hitler.

It would be more precise to say that World War II (in Europe) was a fight against German Nazi imperialism, genocide, and tyranny.

With that obvious acknowledgment or caveat, let it also be said: Tuberville is not completely wrong. He makes a legitimate point.

The Nazis, after all, called themselves the National Socialist German Workers’ Party for a reason: As Jonah Goldberg observes, “they were socialists.

National Socialists or Nazis. Goldberg knows of what he speaks. He has written the definitive book, Liberal Fascism, on the collectivist or socialist roots of American progressivism, Russian communism, Italian Fascism, and German Nazism.

As the Amazon writeup for Liberal Fascism explains:

Contrary to what most people think, the Nazis were ardent socialists (hence the term “National socialism”).

They believed in free health care and guaranteed jobs. They confiscated inherited wealth and spent vast sums on public education.

They purged the church from public policy, promoted a new form of pagan spirituality, and inserted the authority of the state into every nook and cranny of daily life.

The Nazis declared war on smoking, supported abortion, euthanasia, and gun control.

They loathed the free market, provided generous pensions for the elderly, and maintained a strict racial quota system in their universities—where campus speech codes were all the rage.

These are indisputable political and historical facts. So yes, in a very real sense, Tuberville is absolutely right:

His dad did, indeed, fight in World War II to free Europe of socialism—a particularly virulent and genocidal strain or variant of socialism, to be sure, but socialism nonetheless.

Media Ignorance. Yet, this hasn’t stopped clueless media types from smugly berating Tuberville for his supposed ignorance about World War II.

But in truth, it is they who are ignorant, not Tuberville. They are ignorant of the collectivist or socialist nature of German fascism or Nazism.

Conclusion. It is perfectly fine to criticize Tuberville if or when he makes genuinely stupid and erroneous remarks; however, people in glass houses really should not throw stones.

The truth is that many journalists and wordsmiths are guilty of the same sins—political and historical ignorance and a gross lack of understanding—for which they so smugly castigate Tuberville.

They could use—we all could use—a little more humility, introspection, and learning before casting stones.

Feature photo credit: Senator-Elect Tommy Tuberville, courtesy of Al.com.

Biden Clearly Beats Trump Even as Trump Scores Some Points

Trump needed to hit Biden on the economy and taxes. Instead, he obsessed over Hunter Biden, law and order.

Substantively and politically, Joe Biden won the first presidential debate.

Donald Trump did score some points; however, he missed many opportunities to hit Biden, especially on the economy. And, because Biden is the clear front runner, Trump’s failure to knock him off his perch means that Biden is one step closer to becoming President of these United States.

To be sure, Trump threw a lot of punches, but most of his punches failed to connect; and he too often failed to throw punches when it mattered most.

Taxes. For example, Trump said next to nothing about Biden’s $4-trillion tax plan, which threatens to sink the stock market and throw the economy into a prolonged depression.

Debate moderator Chris Wallace, in fact, asked the sharp question about Biden’s tax plan that Trump himself should have asked, but did not.

Of course, Trump partisans will plausibly spin this debate as a win for their candidate because Trump did hit Biden hard on multiple occasions.

Trump, for instance, asked Biden to name one police organization or law enforcement agency that had endorsed him for president. Biden literally had no answer.

However, the truth is that, in the aggregate, Trump did little to convince independents and undecided voters that they should vote for him.

Biden, meanwhile, seemed sharper than usual and suffered no real senior moment. And Trump may well have turned off many voters with his childish petulance, bullying, and constant interruptions in violation of the ground rules of the debate.

I suppose it’s possible that Trump may have inspired more voters already predisposed to vote for him to go to the polls on his behalf, but that, to me, seems a long shot.

The more likely outcome, I think, is that independents and undecided voters watch this debate say, “Joe’s OK. I can live with him.”

We’ll see.

Feature photo credit: New York Post.

Bernie Sanders Ends His Presidential Campaign, But His Bad, Statist Policy Ideas Live On

Bernie Sanders officially ended his presidential campaign today. But although Sanders is a 2020 electoral loser, he is nonetheless a political winner: because his extreme, left-wing ideas have come to dominate the political dialogue and debate.

“Medicare for all,” for instance, which is just a nice-sounding name for a “single-payer,” government-controlled healthcare system, has gone mainstream and, according to many polls, now commands majority support.

“Free” college for all also ranks high now in the public’s political consciousness, as does the call to “ban new fracking.” 

“It was not long ago,” Sanders said today “that people considered these ideas radical and fringe. Today they are mainstream ideas.”

Sadly, he’s right. As the Wall Street Journal Editorial Board observes:

For the evidence, see Joe Biden’s agenda.

Mr. Biden promises free community college, plus free four-year university for every family earning under $125,000 a year. He has resisted Medicare for All, but he wants to add a government “public option” to ObamaCare.

Even Barack Obama couldn’t get this through Congress in 2010, despite a Senate supermajority.

Mr. Biden’s proposed tax increases total $3.4 trillion over 10 years, twice what Hillary Clinton suggested in 2016. His climate plan runs to $1.7 trillion over a decade and calls for the construction of a transcontinental high-speed railway.

Don’t forget his pledge at the last debate of “no new fracking.” This is what a middle-of-the-road Democrat looks like in 2020.

Exactly. While there may well be “moderate” Democrats who don’t share Sanders “progressive” ideological zeal, the truth is that they, like Biden, are responsive to, and beholden to, Sanders’ far-left political agenda.

Even Biden admits that

Senator Sanders and his supporters have changed the dialogue in America.

Issues which had been given little attention—or little hope of ever passing—are now at the center of the political debate. Income inequality, universal health care, climate change, free college, relieving students from the crushing debt of student loans.

These are just a few of the issues Bernie and his supporters have given life to. And while Bernie and I may not agree on how we might get there, we agree on the ultimate goal for these issues and many more [emphasis added].

In other words, Biden and other “moderate” Democrats want to empower the government as much as Sanders and the “progressives” do. They just want to do so in a slower and more deliberative fashion.

The Democratic Party’s left-wing lurch, and America’s newfound flirtation with socialism, are frightening and disconcerting. But give the devil his due: At least the Sanders Democrats are brimming with ideas—bad, statist ideas, mind you, but ideas nonetheless.

The Trump Republicans, by contrast, are completely devoid of ideas.

Indeed, since taking over the GOP, the Trump Republicans have become a cult of personality devoted to “The Donald,” and policy ideas have taken a back seat.

There is, consequently, no free-market policy agenda that the GOP is pushing to replace Obamacare, reform and save entitlements, and promote more robust economic growth.

Sanders, though, offers a model for what can invigorate the Grand Old Party: a conservative insurrection candidate in 2024 brimming with outside-the-box (or at least outside the “mainstream”) policy ideas.

Like Sanders, such a candidate probably won’t win the party’s nomination; but she could shake up the party, move it to the right, and make it a more viable vehicle for much-needed political and policy reform based on federalism and entrepreneurial capitalism.

In short, Bernie was right to push for a “revolution.” The problem was he pushed for the wrong type of revolution, and our politics is suffering now as a result.

But we on the right can learn from Bernie’s example and follow his political model or playbook to right the ship of state in the years ahead. Let’s hope—and pray—that we do.

Feature photo creditAssociated Press via the New York Post.

Congress Emboldens Terrorists and Rogue Regimes with ‘War Powers Resolution’

Is it asking too much of Congress to support American troops under fire in the Middle East? This, sadly, is not a rhetorical question. The House of Representatives has conspicuously failed to support our troops and the Senate is poised to follow suit.

How so? By passing a “war powers resolution” designed to restrict President Trump’s Constitutional authority as Commander in Chief to authorize military action in defense of our troops. The House approved a war powers resolution last week and the Senate is expected soon to do the same.

Why now? Because of the U.S. military strike that took out Iranian General Qassem Suleimani. Congressional advocates of a war powers resolution say it is needed to stop Trump from taking America to war. Never mind that the President has been extraordinarily restrained and tempered in the wake of repeated Iranian provocations.

In fact, it was the only after an American serving in Iraq was killed by Iranian-backed militia that Trump finally decided to strike back by taking out Suleimani. The President has since made clear, in both word and deed, that he has no plans or desire for a larger-scale war with Iran. Yet, says Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine), “Congress cannot be sidelined on these important decisions.”

Of course, no one would deny Congress its rightful say in the use and disposition of American military power. Under Article 1 of the Constitution, Congress authorizes and appropriates funding while conducting necessary oversight of the executive branch and U.S. military. But once U.S. forces are deployed—as they have been in the Middle East for decades now—then the President of the United States, as Commander in Chief, has a solemn responsibility to act with dispatch in their defense.

That’s exactly what Trump did when he ordered the strike against Suleimani, a terrorist ringleader who had orchestrated the death of more than 600 Americans. As Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) explains, we simply cannot have 535 Commanders in Chief. That is completely illogical and utterly impractical.

If the war powers resolution ever makes its way to Trump’s desk, it will be summarily vetoed. The President will not allow his Constitutional authority as Commander in Chief to be usurped by Congress. Nonetheless, serious damage will have been done to America’s standing in the world, and our troops will be imperiled.

Terrorists and rogue regimes throughout the Middle East will interpret the war powers resolution as an impediment to Trump’s ability to respond to their provocations and defend our troops. They will see the resolution as an opportunity for them to terrorize U.S. and allied forces with minimal fear of reprisal: because, after all, Trump has been constrained; his hands tied by Congress.

Weakness invites aggression, and make no mistake: the war powers resolution signals weakness to America’s enemies.

What should Congress have done and what might it still do? Simple: pass a resolution that: a) condemns the Iranian regime for sponsoring terrorism; and b) supports the U.S. military strike against Suleimani. That would strengthen deterrence vis-a-vis the regime and limit the possibility of a larger-scale war in the Middle East.

President Reagan called this “peace through strength,” and it is still the right and strategically wise approach.

Unmasking the Lies About Masks

Our elites tell us ad nauseam that masks will stop the spread of COVID. There’s only one problem: they’re wrong, and Sweden shows why.

Now that President Trump has contracted the coronavirus, our elites have renewed their heavy-handed push to try and shame everyone into wearing a mask.

Of course, the efficacy of masks is always assumed and never questioned or challenged. But in truth, the scientific evidence for the efficacy of masks is utterly lacking.

The studies that purport to show masks work often conflate mask use with other practices (such as social distancing) that do work to conclude, erroneously and illogically, that masks are the independent variable which resulted in stopping or slowing the spread of COVID.

Or they point to other countries (such as Hong Kong, Taiwan, and the Czech Republic), where mask use reportedly is widespread and the coronavirus relatively contained, and conclude (erroneously and prematurely) that masks are the reason for these countries’ success.

But this assumption is a leap of faith. Association, after all, does not equal causation. In truth, as I’ve observed here at ResCon1:

there are too many other potential explanatory factors at work to explain why some countries and regions have been better able to avert or avoid the coronavirus.

Mask wearing populations may be more fastidious and disciplined about social distancing, which is effective at stopping the spread of the coronavirus.

Or they may suffer fewer medical complications and co-morbidities. Maybe they’re a younger demographic.

Sweden. Moreover, how do the mask zealots explain the relative success of Sweden and other Nordic countries, where masks are almost universally shunned?

As the New York Times reported last week from Stockholm, facemasks in Sweden are “nowhere to be seen.” Yet Sweden increasingly is seen as an exemplary model of how to manage a viral pandemic.

The Swedes made a critical mistake early-on by rationing care for nursing-home patients and failing to protect their more vulnerable elderly population.

However, Swedish leaders learned from their mistake and have since done a good job at containing the spread of the virus—and they have done so without economic lockdowns and mandatory mask orders.

“As I write this on 20 September 2020,” concedes Richard Smith in the BMJ Opinion Journal,

the difference in the number of cases in Sweden and most of the rest of Europe is striking. Most countries in Europe have a rapid rise in cases, whereas Sweden does not. Spain, which had one of the most severe lockdowns, has one of the steepest increases.

Adds the Medical Xpress:

Public health officials [in Sweden] argue that masks are not effective enough at limiting the spread of the virus to warrant mass use, insisting it is more important to respect social distancing and handwashing recommendations…

Sweden’s public health officials say they see no reason to change their strategy given the seemingly positive trend—including their stance on masks.

State epidemiologist Anders Tegnell of the Public Health Agency insists scientific studies have not proven that masks are effective in limiting the spread of the virus, suggesting they can do more harm than good if used sloppily.

“There are at least three heavyweight reports—from the World Health Organization, the (EU health agency) ECDC and The Lancet report that the WHO cites—which all state that the scientific evidence is weak. We haven’t carried out our own assessment,” he recently told reporters…

“Several countries that introduced masks are now seeing big resurgences [in COVID infections],” he said on August 14, 2020.

Politically Taintned Science. Why do Swedish public health officials have such a strikingly different view on the efficacy of masks than their American counterparts?

A big reason is that Swedish public health officials are much less politicized and tainted by political concerns. Recall that social distancing was a public health imperative in the United States—until it wasn’t because of the “Black Lives Matter” protests.

“Swedish health authorities,” explains Dr. Greg Ganske in the Des Moines Register, “are very independent and largely shielded from politics. They pride themselves on ‘following the science’ and are highly respected by the population.”

In the United States, by contrast, too many public health officials follow the political herd and say what is politically expedient, not what is scientifically necessary and warranted.

As a result, we get a lot of glib commands to “wear a mask!”—as if doing so is a self-evident truth that must be obeyed rather than a highly dubious edict that doesn’t pass scientific muster. President Trump, after all, was indifferent to masks, and look at what has happened to him!

But partisan political concerns and a desire to thump Trump in the court of public opinion should not sway or influence public health guidance. Follow the science, not the politically motivated herd.

Scrupulously social distance; avoid crowds (especially indoors); wash your hands; and practice good hygiene. And don’t worry about wearing a mask—and don’t worry about whether your fellow shoppers or neighbors are wearing a mask!

The science simply doesn’t show that masks work. Just ask the Swedes.

Feature photo credit: Washington Post.

Ukraine, Israel, and the National Security Myopia of Populist Republicans

Both Ukraine and Israel are key American allies who need and deserve U.S. military aid—now.

The inconsistency is head spinning. Populist “New Right” Republicans have rushed forward to voice their support for Israel after that country came under attack by Hamas, an Iranian proxy force based in Gaza.

Yet, with a straight face, these same populist Republicans say we must stop funding Ukraine.

Israel. v. Ukraine. Israel, you see, is an historic and democratic ally; but Ukraine is a corrupt country that, historically, has never been considered an American ally.

Israel is waging war against Hamas, a ragtag terrorist group with little real military capability. Ukraine, by contrast, is fighting Russia, a nuclear power that could well ignite “World War III.”

Continued military aid to Ukraine, moreover, would mean short-changing Israel of critical weapons systems and munitions, which are in short supply, and which, therefore, must not be diverted to Ukraine.

So argue the populist “New Right” Republicans.

Biden Funding Request. The issue has come to a head because President Biden Thursday gave an Oval Office address calling for $61.4 billion in new funding for Ukraine, $14.3 billion in new funding for Israel, and $7.4 billion in new funding for Taiwan and the Indo-Pacific.

Populist “New Right” Republicans have criticized Biden for lumping these funding requests together.

They want separate funding bills for all three countries or theaters of operation, but especially Ukraine, and the reason why is not hard to discern: They want to fund Israel and defund Ukraine.

This is wrongheaded, dangerous, and myopic.

The truth is that both Ukraine and Israel are key American allies who need and deserve U.S. military support—now. Both countries are being savagely and barbarically attacked by an axis of aligned countries that threaten vital U.S. national security interests.

Russia wants to drive the United States out of Europe, subsume Ukraine and the Baltic States, and bring Eastern Europe back under its heel.

Iran, meanwhile, wants to drive the United States out of the Middle East, destroy Israel, and become the region’s dominant, hegemonic power.

Russian and Iran are both opposed to the American-led, rules-based international order.

Iran uses Hamas, Hezbollah, the Islamic Jihad, and other proxy forces to wage war against Israel, America, and the West.

Russia uses the Wagner Group, other mercenary forces, and a conscript army to wage war against Ukraine, America, and the West.

Iran and Russia. Iran provides Russia with kamikaze suicide drones to destroy Ukraine and murder innocent Ukrainian civilians.

“Both of these heavily sanctioned pariah states depend on oil revenue to stay afloat. Global instability,” Jonah Goldberg observes, “keeps the petrodollars flowing.”

In the immediate aftermath of the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas massacre of 1,400 Israelis, “Russia said nothing… Putin then blamed Hamas’s atrocities on the United States,” Matthew Continetti reports.

Israel and Ukraine are different countries that face unique situations, but as far as the United States is concerned, “this is one war,” he writes.

There is more than enough evidence of a vast international effort to overturn the American-led post-World War II international system.

The rabid dogs tearing at the seams of world order are Russia, Iran, and North Korea.

Holding the leash is Communist China, whose leader Xi Jinping welcomed Vladimir Putin to Beijing the day before Biden touched down in the Holy Land.

Republicans who are serious about protecting the United States, and ensuring that we win and that our enemies lose, must recognize this reality. They must recognize that stopping Iran and protecting Israel necessarily means stopping Russia and protecting Ukraine.

To give one leg of this axis of evil a pass would mean that the other leg could still stand. Both legs must be opposed and taken out; otherwise, they will continue to give succor and support to each other.

Ukraine. Populist Republicans complain that Ukraine has not historically been an American ally. This is true, but so what?

Ukraine is now an American ally because of the crucible of war and necessity. And the same was true of South Korea at the onset of the Korean War in 1950.

South Korea had never been a great or historic American ally before the Communist North Korean invasion.

Yet, in the intervening decades, South Korea has become a key American ally in Asia. And the alliance between our two countries is now more important than ever, given the growing threat posed by Communist China.

Democratization. South Korea is instructive in another way, too. For decades, it was ruled by an authoritarian regime marred by corruption. Yet, over time, it democratized and became more open, transparent, and politically pluralistic.

Ukraine today is far more of a liberal democracy than South Korea was during the Korean War; and, with American and European help, it will continue to democratize in the years and decades to come.

As for a shortage of weapons systems and munitions needed to aid both Ukraine and Israel, this, too, is a false flag.

“For the most part,” reports the New York Times, “Ukraine and Israel are fighting different kinds of wars, and have different capabilities and needs, according to current and former U.S. national security and congressional officials.”

“There’ll be very little overlap between what we’re going to be giving Israel and what we give to Ukraine,” Michael J. Morell, former deputy director of the Central Intelligence Agency, said last week.

And, to the extent there is a shortage of weapons systems and munitions, this only underscores the need for a much larger and more robust American defense budget.

The United States currently spends less than three percent of its GDP on defense. “That’s only about half of the burden of defense spending that the U.S. shouldered during the final decade of the Cold War,” David Frum writes.

Finally, the fear of “World War III” from opposing Russia doesn’t make any sense. The United States, after all, opposed Russia for decades throughout the Cold War without igniting “World War III.”

In truth, appeasing Russia is more likely to ignite a larger-scale war. And while Hamas by itself may not have much military wherewithal or capability, it has to be been seen and understood as part of a larger-scale Iranian military force that is, indeed, threatening and worrisome.

The bottom line: American military aid to Ukraine is critical for precisely the same reasons that American military aid to Israel is critical: because both countries are key American allies fighting enemies of the United States, Russia and Iran, respectively.

Populist “New Right” Republicans who try to suggest otherwise just don’t get it and cannot be trusted with American national security.

Feature photo credit: Leaders of the Axis of Evil (L-R): former Iranian President Hassan Rouhani, Russian dictator Vladimir Putin, and Chinese Communist Party boss Xi Jinping, courtesy of the Century Foundation.