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The Coronavirus Shows That Free-Markets and the Profit Motive Are Required to Safeguard the Public Health

Democrats want to give the government more control over our healthcare system. Our experience with the coronavirus shows that this would be a big and costly mistake.

Does the coronavirus show that we need a bigger and more dominant government that assumes greater decision-making authority over “unfettered market processes”?

That’s what left-wing journalists, academics, and politicians argue. They say the coronavirus shows that free markets are incapable of addressing a public health crisis. Thus, in their view, to protect the health and well-being of the public, the federal government must play a more dominant role vis-à-vis the private sector.

As Columbia University political theory professor Jean Cohen told The Atlantic: “If you want to  serve the public good instead of private profit making, you need government to come in and make sure that’s done.”

But the notion that “private profit making” and “the public good” are two separate and distinct things which necessarily are opposed to each other is ludicrous and in defiance of commonsense and all empirical evidence.

Profit Motive. In truth, the profit motive is precisely the means by which we incentivize people and businesses to serve the public good.

At least that’s how we do it in the United States of America and in countries that allow for free markets and private commercial exchange.

For example, we Americans enjoy a bountiful supply and an infinite variety of inexpensive and affordable food—not because the government has intervened and mandated it, but rather because private sector companies realize that there is money to be made by “serving the public good” and meeting this need.

Other countries, such as the former Soviet Union, have tried to “serve the public good” by empowering the government at the expense of the private sector, and the results have been disastrous. Freedom works; government control and coercion do not.

The iPhone and personal computer, likewise, were not produced by the government. They were produced by entrepreneurs who saw that there was money to be made by “serving the public good” and helping to fulfill our natural yearning for greater autonomy, control, creativity, and connectedness. 

In fact, to the extent that we do suffer “market failure” (a favorite term of derision by left-wingers such as Professor Cohen), it is precisely because the government exerts too much control and power over decision-making processes that are best left to the private sector.

Government Failure. Indeed, what is typically called “market failure” is more accurately described as “government failure.” Case in point: the coronavirus.

The United States has been embarrassingly and shamefully tardy on testing for the coronavirus, lagging far behind other countries such as South Korea and Australia. Why? Because we relied upon the feds to administer and manage testing; and they, unsurprisingly, botched it

The Wall Street Journal’s Kimberley Strassel explains:

The single biggest mistake so far came from the government. The feds maintained exclusive control over early test development—and blew it. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s failure delayed an effective U.S. response, and the private sector is now riding to the rescue.

But don’t take Strassel’s word for it. Here is what the head of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, Anthony S. Fauci, M.D, told radio host (and Trump apologist) Hugh Hewitt:

The regulatory constraints, which under certain circumstances are helpful and protective of the American people were not suited to the emergence of this particular outbreak…

I believe now that the [Centers for Disease Control and Prevention] (CDC), and the [Food and Drug Administration] (FDA), and the Department [of Health and Human Services]—that we’ve got it right now:

Because we’re handing much of it over to the private sector [and] to heavy hitter companies that do this for a living. And I think what you’re going to be seeing looking forward is a major, major improvement in the availability of testing.

“The government’s failures affected every step of the testing process, from the initial throat swab to the genetic sequencing,” report Dan Vergano and Ben King in BuzzFeed News .

“Even now,” they note, “state and local health departments have a confusing patchwork of requirements for testing.”

“Federal officials,” moreover, “waited until early March to invite large private labs, which can run thousands of tests a day, to begin coronavirus testing, leaving the U.S. with a backlog of swab samples even as case numbers double every two days.”

Unfortunately, failure in government is endemic because there are no competitive market mechanisms that force public-sector agencies to adapt and innovate as in the private sector.

Private-sector companies fear going out of business and adapt accordingly. Not so in the government or public sector, where agencies live on indefinitely no matter how badly they might fail.

“The botched rollout of COVID-19 tests,” observes Reason magazine’s Ronald Bailey, “is largely the fault of America’s medical regulatory bureaucracy—specifically, the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) and the FDA.

“As recently as Feb. 26,” he writes, “the CDC told state and local officials that its own testing capabilities were ‘more than adequate,’ the Wall Street Journal reports.”

However, according to Bailey, 

A Utah molecular diagnostics company is all set to produce 50,000 coronavirus tests per day, though its having trouble obtaining “reagent chemicals” that are necessary for a latter stage of the procedure, according to Desert News.

Co-Diagnostics’ COVID-19 test, which costs just $10 per patient and produces results in only 90 minutes, is already in use in Italy, Germany, the United Kingdom, Turkey, Greece, the Philippines, Thailand, Australia, Paraguay, Ecuador, Israel, South Africa and Canada.

But in the U.S. it had only been available for certain entities and research institutions, per guidance from the Food and Drug Administration (FDA).

It was not until Tuesday night, [Mar. 17, 2020], that the FDA gave Co-Diagnostics emergency approval to distribute the test more generally to U.S. hospitals. Deseret News’ [Art Raymond] reports:

"The company said U.S. shipments to date have been in accordance with the FDA's policy change on Feb. 29 that allows certified U.S. laboratories to use the Co-Diagnostics' test under certain conditions.

"As a result of the change announced Tuesday night by the FDA, the company's test kit will soon be available for use by a wide array of U.S. laboratories, without first requiring emergency use authorization.

Co-Diagnostics CEO Dwight Egan said the rule change puts his company in a position to have positive impacts on the critical need for COVID-19 testing capacity in Utah, the U.S. and around the world."

The ramifications of this new FDA policy are significant for our company," Egan said in a statement.

"This change will quickly afford Co-Diagnostics even more opportunities to serve the needs of laboratories nationwide, as we play an even larger role in responding to this pandemic.

"We applaud the FDA's decision to recognize the dire need for increased access to high-quality COVID-19 tests, and to adapt as the situation demands in light of a public health emergency."

It’s smart for the biomedical company CEO to publicly thank the powerful agency that holds the keys to its fate. But no one else should be thanking the FDA… 

People are quite literally going to die because the regulatory state was insufficiently adaptive to a crisis.

Democratic Smears. Yet, too often in this country, Democratic politicians such as Bernie Sanders vilify CEOs and entrepreneurs such as Dwight Egan as “crooks” and “thieves” motivated by avarice and “greed.”

The Journal’s Strassel rightly has little patience for this populist smear. The “crooks” at drug company Roche,” she writes, 

had started on their own high-volume test in January, and were finally able to get approval from the Food and Drug Administration.

Google is up with a website advising people on symptoms; retailers like Walmart and CVS are converting parking lots for drive-through tests; private labs are standing by to process them.

As for other “moneyed interests,” no fewer than 30 Big Pharma and small biotech firms are racing for treatments and vaccines. Moderna turned around a vaccine batch in just 42 days.

Gilead Sciences is already in Phase 3 trials for its remdesivir treatment for Covid-19. Straight off President Trump’s announcement of FDA approval for antimalarial drugs to treat the disease, Bayer announced it would donate three million chloroquine tablets.

To be sure, government has an important role to play in protecting and safeguarding the public health. Securing the borders, for instance, is an important federal governmental function, and is necessary to keeping public health threats out of the country to the greatest extent practicable.

The government also can set national goals and priorities, while marshaling public-sector resources and coordinating public-private partnerships.

But having an energetic and effective government is very different from having a big and dominant government that preempts the private sector and tries to do things that are best done by commercial companies driven by the profit motive and responding to market signals and market incentives.

We need an energetic and effective government, not a big and dominant government. In fact, a big and dominant government typically is anything but energetic and effective, which is precisely the problem.

Critical Debate. This matters in a big and fundamental way because policymakers and the public will draw lessons and conclusions from the coronavirus: what worked, what didn’t, and what must change as a result. And it is critically important that they—we—not draw the wrong conclusions.

The problem was not that the private-sector failed; it was that the private-sector was bypassed and short-circuited.

And what must change is not our reliance upon private-sector companies, markets, and the profit motive. What must change is our deprecation of entrepreneurship and commercial interests in medicine and public health.

In fact, we need to make more effective use of incentives and competition in medicine, precisely to protect and safeguard the public health. Expecting the government to shoulder this burden exclusively is a surefire recipe for further disaster. 

2020 Election. These questions are especially pertinent now because a presidential election is rapidly approaching, and the Democratic Party has lurched far to the left and embraced increasing government control of our healthcare system.

They do so in the name of “fairness” and “compassion.” But there is nothing fair or compassionate about an inert and dysfunctional public-sector monopoly that fails the American people when they are most in need.

We can and must do better. But we can only do so by embracing the private sector, markets and the profit motive, which are good and praiseworthy things, indeed.

Feature photo credit: Co-Diagnostics CEO Dwight Egan as shown on YouTube.

Balderdash! and Backlash! ‘Credentialed’ Is Not Synonymous with ‘Educated’ and ‘Wise’

Balderdash!

“More Americans are educated now than at any time in history.”

Tom Nichols, Professor, Naval War College

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, “for the first time in history, 90 percent of Americans over 25 years of age have finished high school. In addition, more than one-third of Americans over the age of 25 have a college degree or higher.”

Backlash!

In truth, more Americans are credentialed than at any time in history. But don’t equate credentials with education and wisdom. Being credentialed is not the same thing as being educated and wise.

In fact, many people with impressive academic credentials are poorly educated, remarkably ignorant, and unwise.

“The American higher education system has fostered civic and historical illiteracy,” reports the Washington Times.

The American Council of Trustees and Alumni, the Times notes “has issued survey after survey, all of which confirm that we have an epidemic of civic and historical illiteracy.

In 2000, ACTA released the results of a survey of the historical knowledge of college seniors at the 55 top-ranked colleges and universities in the country.

More than 80 percent of those surveyed would have received a “D” or “F” if it had been an exam.

A 2012 survey found that less than 20 percent of American college graduates knew the effect of the Emancipation Proclamation, and only 42 percent knew that the Battle of the Bulge occurred during World War II.

And in 2014, a survey found that more than a quarter of college graduates didn’t know Franklin D. Roosevelt was president during World War II, and one-third didn’t know he was the president who spearheaded the New Deal.

And all of these questions were multiple choice.

It is not without reason that William F. Buckley, Jr. famously said:

I would rather be governed by the first 2,000 people in the Boston telephone directory than by the 2,000 people on the faculty of Harvard University.

The average non-credentialed American, Buckley observed, shows more wisdom than our credentialed political leaders and so-called intellectuals.

Next!

Feature photo credit: Two wise men: William F. Buckley, Jr. and Ronald Reagan (National Review).

Trump and House Republicans are to Blame for the Omnibus Spending Spree

The much-derided omnibus spending bill was inevitable when Republicans decided to make Trump the centerpiece of their 2022 Congressional election campaigns.

House Republicans, and even some dissident Senate Republicans like Sen. Rick Scott (R-Florida), are whining about the $1.7 trillion omnibus spending bill is about to become law; but really, they have no one to blame but themselves.

These “MAGA Republicans” tied the party’s political fate to one, Donald J. Trump, and, as a result, lost big-time in the 2022 midterm elections. The GOP lost one Senate seat and now is in the Senate minority, while badly underperforming in House elections nationwide.

GOP Disarray. Moreover, House Republicans cannot even agree on whom their leader should be. Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R-California) should be the next Speaker of the House; but that is far from assured, since a renegade group of kamikaze Republicans seems intent on blowing up the House GOP majority.

So you can understand why most Senate Republicans, led by Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky), are eager to pass legislation now—before House Republicans set up their circular firing squad and begin taking aim at each other.

“No question, there are many Senate Republicans who worry that the new House Republican majority will not be able to pass spending bills with 218 Republican votes come January or February,” Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Arkansas) told radio host Hugh Hewitt.

Consequently, he explained,

Speaker McCarthy would have to go to the Democrats and ask for their votes to pass a bill. And if that were to happen, then the Democrats, obviously would demand a ransom in the form of tens of billions of dollars in new spending that they didn’t get in this bill.

So there’s no question that many Senate  Republicans think that, right now, the best deal possible—not just for December, but also in the new year— would be a bill that holds the Democrats to the defense budget they just voted for last week. while also preventing the domestic spending budget from going up beyond what Joe Biden requested.

The Omnibus. Sure, the omnibus spending bill includes many odious things (such as limitations on border enforcement) that delight far-left, “progressive” Democrats. But that was the inevitable result of the GOP’s weakened position stemming from the party’s awful performance in the 2022 mid-terms. And for that, you can thank Donald Trump, who remains one of the most despised and unpopular political figures in America today.

Maybe Republicans will think twice next time before they decide to make Trump and his idiotic desire to re-litigate his 2020 election defeat the centerpiece of their Congressional campaigns. That was a bad political move for which the GOP paid a steep political and legislative price.

Policy Wins. The good news is that thanks to the political and legislative savvy of Sen. McConnell, Senate Republicans were able to extract some significant policy wins in the omnibus spending bill.

As Sen. Cotton alluded to, for instance, the defense budget has been significantly increased after being savaged by the Biden inflation and a decades-long modernization holiday.

Aid to Ukraine also has been secured. This is especially important because House Republicans have intimated that they might stop or curtail aid to Ukraine in the name of fiscal restraint. Now, though, thanks to the omnibus spending bill, House Republicans will have limited room for destructive legislative maneuver.

The bottom line: House Republicans, and dissident Senate Republicans like Sen. Rick Scott (R-Florida), are getting what they deserve. They’re getting their just desserts. They’re getting their comeuppance.

These Republicans made Trump and his selfish political obsessions the focal point of the 2022 election. The American people said, “no thanks”; the GOP lost; and the party now is at a decided political and legislative disadvantage.

The omnibus spending bill is far from perfect, but it reflects the hard cold reality of what the Republican Party can achieve now, legislatively, given its foolish and costly embrace of Donald Trump.

Feature photo credit: Sen. Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) (L) secured the best deal possible in the wake of GOP election losses caused by the Republicans’ enthusiastic embrace of Donald Trump (R). Courtesy of People magazine (Oliver Contreras/Bloomberg via Getty Images).

Louisiana’s Ten Commandments Law and the Politics of Winning and Losing

The law shows that, in Donald Trump’s Republican Party, fighting too often has become an end in itself and not a means to an end, which is winning.

Eric Erickson is a serious and thoughtful conservative. So I was surprised to hear him voice strong criticism of a new Louisiana law mandating display of the Ten Commandments in every classroom in the state.

However, Erickson’s criticism is not with the sum and substance of the law. He says he supports displaying the Ten Commandments in the classroom, as well as making the Ten Commandments part of the required course of study.

Instead, Erickson’s beef is with what he views as the state’s losing way of going about this, or losing way of fighting this political battle.

Judicial Scrutiny. For starters, he says, the law almost certainly will be struck down by the Supreme Court. A 1980 Supreme Court case (Stone v. Graham, 449 U.S. 39) has “an almost identical fact pattern,” Erickson notes.

If Louisiana Republicans really wanted to win this fight, they would have avoided launching a doomed frontal assault on Stone v. Graham. Instead, they would have passed a law specifically designed to avoid judicial scrutiny, which would have accomplished the same thing, Erickson argues.

In other words, Louisiana Republicans would have fought to win and not fought for fighting’s sake or fought to lose. How might they have achieved this?

Winning Legislation. Erickson says Louisiana legislators could have passed two simple and Constitutionally unassailable laws that would have allowed schools and teachers to display and teach the Ten Commandments.

First, pass a law that says no school district or school board can punish a teacher for posting the Ten Commandments in the classroom.

Second, pass a resolution that says local churches and synagogues are welcome and encouraged to provide copies of the Ten Commandments to any teacher who wants them.

These two simple laws or resolutions would have accomplished the same thing as a mandatory Ten Commandments display, but without running afoul of the First Amendment’s establishment clause, Erickson argues.

The display of gay pride flags in many public schools, he explains, provides a useful example of how conservatives ought to wage their fight to display and teach the Ten Commandments in the classroom.

The state, contrary to the silly claims of some, is not forcing teachers to put up Pride flags in classrooms. [Some teachers] are doing it on their own volition.

Christian teachers should respond by putting up the Ten Commandments, the Golden Rule, or useful proverbs as posters. The Kennedy case (Kennedy v. Bremerton School District, 597 U.S. 507 (2022)) would clearly allow the teachers to do it on their own.

Louisiana Policy Failure. Moreover, Erickson asserts, the weakness of Louisiana’s mandatory Ten Commandments display is underscored by the fact that the Republican Governor, Jeff Landry, vetoed tort reform, and the Republican state legislature provided scant and inadequate funding for Education Savings Accounts.

Yet tort reform and school choice via education savings accounts are two highly prized conservative policy reforms.

Erickson makes an important point that needs to be heard, especially today, in Donald Trump’s Republican Party.

Trump’s Failure. Trump is often praised for being “a fighter,” and for his willingness “to fight.” But what Trump’s acolytes and sycophants don’t seem to understand is that fighting is not an end in itself, but rather a means to an end, which is winning.

Unfortunately, Trump is a poor and inept fighter. He doesn’t fight well or smartly, or with an overarching strategic and tactical purpose.

Sure, Trump throws a lot of punches, but most of his punches don’t score or connect. And many of his punches boomerang and end up hurting himself and the Republican Party.

That’s why Trump lost the 2020 election, and that’s why Republicans seriously under-performed in the 2022 midterm elections.

It’s not that Trump and the Republicans had a bad record and an unpopular agenda in 2020 and 2022. To the contrary: they had a good record and a positive agenda: peace and prosperity, tax cuts, historically low unemployment, low inflation, a booming stock market, et al.

The problem was (and still remains): Trump does not know how to fight. He doesn’t know how to pick his fights and frame issues to his and the Republican Party’s political advantage.

Republican Policy Failure. Unfortunately, Trump’s propensity to lose politically and in the policy arena has spread throughout the Republican Party.

Louisiana’s failure to pass tort reform, fund school choice, and enact a winning Ten Commandments law are all prime examples of this propensity to fight for fighting’s sake without a commitment to win and prevail.

“We keep losing,” writes Erickson, “because our supposedly strategic thinkers make more from defeat because, after all, they fight!

“They’d rather own the libs than own the future. Losing is a feature, not a bug, for them. So, too, is blaming anyone who’d like to win instead of engaging in failure theater.”

Erickson is right. Politically speaking, there are not ten commandments; there is only one commandment, and that is to win. Unless and until conservative Republicans understand this, displaying and teaching the Ten Commandments in the public schools will forever be a distant dream.

Feature photo credit: A screen shot of conservative pundit Eric Erickson via Twitter and the 2024 GOP presidential nominee, Donald Trump, courtesy of Fox Business.

What’s Happening: Thur., Nov. 26, 2020, Thanksgiving

The Supreme Court upholds religious liberty against discriminatory COVID restrictions; Trump pardons Gen. Flynn; and new data shows masks are largely useless and the schools should be open.

https://twitter.com/nytimes/status/1331837982433812480

https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1331706255212228608

https://twitter.com/GenFlynn/status/1331934828812496898

https://twitter.com/KimStrassel/status/1331850236201897984

https://twitter.com/AlexBerenson/status/1331591177292943361

Studies, Data Show COVID Doesn’t Spread in Schools and Classrooms

The question about transmission is the primary question in schools.

In a study of 35,000 kids in North Carolina, there’s not a single case of transmission from child to adult out of 100 infections.

Insight for Education studied 191 countries, looking at the countries that reopened, and found that it did not drive the pandemic or outbreaks any further.

And Utah, which has the best data on schools, found that any increases or outbreaks were attributed to teens, and that infection was on off-campus congregate settings—namely, the parties, not the classrooms.

So it’s pretty clear the classroom is extremely safe, and the transmission from kids to adults is minimal.

—Marty Makary, MD, MPH, Professor of Surgery, Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine

The Story with Martha MacCallum, Fox News, Nov. 20, 2020

The Virtuous Meaning of Thanksgiving

Thanksgiving has been a time to stop and take stock of the blessings enjoyed by family and community.

As the English settlers overcame the trials they faced that first year in Plymouth, qualities that Americans have come to honor as integral to our national identity were on full display: courage, perseverance, diligence, piety.

These are the virtues that helped to shape the American character.

The Pilgrims displayed another virtue, one they practiced every day and which stood at the heart of the First Thanksgiving. Cicero called it the greatest of the virtues and the parent of all the rest: gratitude.

—Melanie Kirkpatrick, as cited by James Freeman, in the Wall Street Journal, Nov. 25, 2020

Feature Photo Credit: Mike White, Fine Art America.

Why Pro-Lifers Should Embrace the Far-Left Dobbs Dissent

It provides the rationale for reading into the Constitution a right to life for the unborn.

In its landmark Dobbs v. Jackson decision overruling Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pa. v. Casey, Justice Brett Kavanaugh said that the Constitution “neither outlaws abortion nor legalizes abortion… The Constitution is therefore neither pro-life nor pro-choice.”

That’s the decision of the Court today. However, one of the ironies of history may be that, 25 or 50 years from now, a new Supreme Court might cite the left-wing dissent in Dobbs to find that the Constitution implicitly prohibits abortion as a violation of the the unborn child’s Constitutional right to life, which is protected under the 14th Amendment.

That may sound farfetched, but not if you take the Dobbs dissent seriously—and not if you realize that new currents in conservative jurisprudence—Adrian Vermeule’s common good Constitutionalism, for instance—are moving beyond originalism to achieve a more results-oriented approach to judging.

The ‘Living Constitution.’ In Dobbs, the Court noted that there is no specific or enumerated right to abortion. Nor is there an implicit or unenumerated right to abortion. Why? Because, as the Court points out, abortion is neither “deeply rooted in [our] history and tradition” nor “essential to this nation’s ‘scheme of ordered liberty.'”

In fact,

until the latter part of the 20th century, there was no support in American law for a constitutional right to obtain an abortion. No state constitutional provision had recognized such a right…

By the time the Fourteenth Amendment was adopted, three-quarters of the States had made abortion a crime at any stage of pregnancy. This consensus endured until the day Roe was decided.

The left-wing Dobbs dissenters don’t dispute these facts. Instead, they argue that the Constitution is a living document that evolves to reflect changing societal norms and expectations.

The Framers (both in 1788 and 1868) understood that the world changes. So they did not define rights by reference to the specific practices existing at the time.

The Framers defined rights in general terms, to permit future evolution in their scope and meaning. And over the course of our history, this Court has taken up the Framers’ invitation. It has kept true to the Framers’ principles by applying them in new ways, responsive to new societal understandings and conditions.

The Constitutional Right to Life. Yes, indeed, the world changes! And what if it changes in a  more conservative direction, toward an understanding that the unborn child is a person wholly deserving of Constitutional protections, including that most basic Constitutional protection: the right to life?

What, then, is to stop a more results-oriented Court, with a majority of “common good Constitutionalists,” from finding this right in the Constitution?

After all, as the left-wing Dobbs dissenters observe, rights evolve in their scope and meaning, and the Court has an obligation to apply key Constitutional principles “in new ways [that are] responsive to new societal understandings and conditions.”

Advances in medical science continue to elucidate the humanity of the unborn. And surely, the history of America is one of increasing inclusion and the expansion of rights to previously marginalized members of our community.

Blacks, women, gays, the unborn—all have been recognized as members of the American family worthy of Constitutional and civil rights protection.

The Court has seen to it that Constitutional justice was done for blacks, women, and gays; it has yet to get there for the unborn, but it will in time. And the far-left Dobbs dissenters have shown us the way.

Feature photo credit, courtesy of CNN, (L-R): Far-left Justices Stephen G. Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor, and Elena Kagan have shown exactly how a future Supreme Court can read into the Constitution a new right to life for the unborn.

Trump’s Failure to Act Early on the Coronavirus Has Endangered American Lives

President Trump is obviously not responsible for the coronavirus. However, he is responsible for his administration’s weak and tardy response to the coronavirus— and for failing to anticipate the gravity of the problem, even as evidence mounted in other countries (such as Italy) that without early and decisive action tens of thousands of Americans, potentially, could die.

Trump, moreover, has repeatedly downplayed the problem; lied about the availability of testing to address the problem; shirked responsibility for confronting the problem; and, most pathetically and disgracefully, tried to blame others—mainly his predecessor, Barack Obama—for his own (Trump) administration’s belated and inadequate response to the problem.

Trump’s loyal base may not hold him accountable for his utter inability to lead during this crisis, but history surely will. Indeed, as Peter Wehner observes in The Atlantic

The president and his administration are responsible for grave, costly errors—most especially the epic manufacturing failures in diagnostic testing, the decision to test too few people, the delay in expanding testing to labs outside the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and problems in the supply chain.

These mistakes have left us blind and badly behind the curve, and, for a few crucial weeks, they created a false sense of security.

What we now know is that the coronavirus silently spread for several weeks, without us being aware of it and while we were doing nothing to stop it.

Containment and mitigation efforts could have significantly slowed its spread at an early, critical point, but we frittered away that opportunity.

Leadership. Let’s be clear. Bureaucratic errors happen. No one blames Trump for bureaucratic errors that are beyond his control.

But that’s why we elect political leaders: to ensure that bureaucratic errors are quickly corrected and do not forestall the type of timely and decisive action needed to safeguard the American people during a crisis

Yet, there is absolutely no evidence that Trump acted with dispatch even as the federal bureaucracy literally stopped or prevented early testing for the coronavirus.

To the contrary: Trump was more concerned with downplaying what he said was a minor problem that would soon disappear.

But we don’t elect presidents so that, in times of national crisis, they can throw up their hands and blame the bureaucracy (or their predecessor three years removed), which is what Trump has done. Instead, we elect presidents so that they can tame, manage, and rein in the bureaucracy.

The Republicans who foisted Trump upon us called this “draining the swamp” and “putting America first.” Yet, when it mattered most, Trump was asleep at the switch.

He didn’t drain the swamp; he bathed in it. And he didn’t put America first; he put his own twisted political priorities first. 

Trump admitted, for instance, that he preferred to leave Americans stranded on a cruise ship off the coast of California after it was discovered that some of the passengers there were infected with the coronavirus.

Politico’s Dan Diamond reports that “health department officials and Vice President Mike Pence came up with a plan to evacuate thousands of passengers” as a way to stop the virus from spreading and infecting many more people as had happened on a similar cruise ship, the Diamond Princess.

“But President Donald Trump had a different idea,” Diamond writes: “Leave the infected passengers on board—which would help keep the number of U.S. coronavirus cases as low as possible.”

Wehner reports:

“I like the numbers,” Trump said. “I would rather have the numbers stay where they are. But if they want to take them off, they’ll take them off.

“But if that happens, all of a sudden your 240 [cases] is obviously going to be a much higher number, and probably the 11 [deaths] will be a higher number too.” 

Cooler heads prevailed, and over the president’s objections, the Grand Princess [cruise ship] was allowed to dock at the Port of Oakland.

Travel Ban. Trump did one thing right. On Jan. 31, he banned most foreigners who had recently visited China from entering the United States. That bough us time and helped stop the spread of the virus.

But this was a relatively modest measure that, in itself, is woefully inadequate unless combined with rapid and comprehensive testing, which was never forthcoming.

Yet, Trump talks of his China travel ban as if it were a game changer, which it most definitely was not.

Trump’s subsequent actions have been uninspiring and largely beside the point.

Last week, he imposed more travel restrictions on Europe. But as his own former homeland security adviser, Tom Bossert, has explained, additional travel restrictions now aren’t of much help since the virus is already widespread.

“We have nearly as much disease here in the U.S. as the countries in Europe,” Bossert tweeted. “We must focus on layered community mitigation measures. Now.”

Testing. For this same reason, even additional testing is, at this late point, of limited use. The time to test was six to weight weeks ago, when Trump was still in denial and insisting that everything was manageable and well contained.

Testing, after all, is most important early on before a virus has spread throughout a country or region. When relatively few people are infected, it is more feasible to limit or contain contact spread of the virus from person to person.

But we are long past that point with the coronavirus, which epidemiologists say is now widespread, albeit underreported, in the United States.

That doesn’t mean we should give up on testing; we shouldn’t and we aren’t. But at this point, extreme social distancing is our best and most effective preventative measure. Testing will have limited public health utility or benefit.

Meanwhile, in the absence of presidential leadership, leaders in state and local government, as well as the private sector, have stepped forward to fill the leadership void left by Trump. Indeed, as the New York Times Peter Baker and Maggie Haberman report

Within the United States, as the coronavirus spreads from one community to another, he [Trump] has been more follower than leader.

While he presents himself as the nation’s commanding figure, Mr. Trump has essentially become a bystander as school superintendents, sports commissioners, college presidents, governors and business owners across the country take it upon themselves to shut down much of American life without clear guidance from the president…

Beyond travel limits and wash-your-hands reminders, Mr. Trump has left it to others to set the course in combating the pandemic and has indicated he was in no rush to take further action.

That was Thursday, March 12. On Friday, March 13, in an effort to regain the initiative and control the political and media narrative, Trump gave another, better-received address with business executives at the White House. But it was too little too late I’m afraid.

The die has been cast. Trump’s failures of leadership are too many too count, too grave, and too consequential.

Buck Passing. Harry Truman famously said that, as president, “the buck stops here,” with him. The president is responsible for what happens on his watch.

Truman was right then, and what he said then still applies today: The buck stops with the president.

Unfortunately and sadly, as president, Trump is more interested in buck passing than in assuming the responsibilities of the office to which he was elected.

We can only hope and pray that tens of thousands of American do not pay the ultimate price for Trump’s inability and unwillingness to lead, and his failure to act with dispatch when it mattered most.

Feature photo credit: Bastiaann Slabbers /Nurphoto /Getty via The Atlantic.

Trump Lost, but the Republican Party Won Big in the 2020 Election

Even in deep blue states like California, the voters rejected one-party rule and sent Republicans to Congress to check President Biden.

Before the election, we warned that a Biden win almost certainly would mean Democratic control of the Senate and the consequent “progressive” or socialist remaking of America into a very different country than the one bequeathed to us by our founding fathers.

That is because, in these politically polarized times, split-ticket voting has become passé, and the Democratic Party has moved further and further to the left in the past decade.

Well, we are pleased to report that in 2020, the American people actually embraced split-ticket voting to a degree that no one anticipated. Consequently, although Trump lost the presidential election, the Republican Party otherwise did quite well. Consider: 

  • Senate. The Republicans retained control of the Senate, pending the outcome of two runoff elections in Georgia, which they are expected to win.

Yet, in the months leading up to the election, Democrats spoke boldly about winning as many as six new Senate seats, eliminating the filibuster, making Washington, D.C. and Puerto Rico new states, packing the courts, and sending the GOP into the dustbin of history.

Not anymore. Because of the GOP’s unexpected Senate wins in Maine, Iowa, North Carolina, and elsewhere, President Biden will be forced to compromise with Senate Republicans—and progressive plans to enact radical and irreversible changes to our very system of government are now dead on arrival.

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  • House of Representatives. Republicans gained an astounding 10-15 seats in the House of Representatives. (Some House races have yet to be decided; hence the variability of these results.)

“Republicans in Congress won every incumbent seat and 28 out of 29 competitive seats identified by the New York Times’ Nate Silver,” reports Bethany Blankley in The Center Square.

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As a result, the Democrats have their smallest majority in 60 years. Republicans, meanwhile, are well-positioned to retake control of the House in the 2022 mid-term elections.

Equally important for the GOP’s future in an increasingly diverse country: there will be a record number of Republican women in the House, 35, up from just 13 currently; and these new representatives include Asians, blacks, Hispanics, and Middle Easterners. 

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In New Hampshire, a blue state in the heart of deep blue New England, independent conservative Chris Sununu was reelected with a resounding 65 percent of the vote.

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Sununu is young, whip-smart and a political winner. He has to be at the top of the list for 2024 GOP presidential hopefuls.

  • State Legislatures. Republicans retained their lock on most state legislatures: by capturing control of the New Hampshire state house and state senate, while preventing the Democrats from flipping a single state legislative body.

This even though the far left spent huge sums of money to wrest control of the states from the GOP.

The Republicans now control 30 state legislatures, with control of one state legislature split between the two parties and control of another state legislature yet to be determined.

The Democrats, by contrast, control just 18 state legislatures, albeit in three of the largest states in the union: California, New York, and Illinois.

  • Ballot Initiatives. Republicans won overwhelmingly in ballot initiatives nationwide, even in deep blue California and Illinois.

Californians, for instance, voted down an effort to repeal that state’s ban on racial preferences, and they retained their state’s cap on property taxes.

https://twitter.com/ECalifornians/status/1327017400848371712?s=20

They also decisively defeated a union-pushed ballot initiative that would have eliminated independent contractors, curtailed worker employment options, and stunted the gig economy.

Illinois voters rebuffed Democratic Governor, J.B. Pritzker, by voting down a graduated or progressive income tax measure that he had championed.

Coloradans, meanwhile, voted 57 percent to 43 percent for “a simple reduction in the state’s income tax, from 4.63 percent to 4.55 percent,” writes Grover Norquist, President of Americans for Tax Reform.

However, he adds, voters in Arkansas and Arizona approved tax hikes—albeit through political deception and trickery in Arkansas and very narrowly and dubiously in Arizona.

Conclusion. As William A. Gallston sums it up, the 2020 election

was a defeat for Donald Trump but a victory for the Republican Party, which turned back most challenges to incumbent senators, fought off Democratic efforts to flip state legislatures, and made gains in the House.

The American people have voted for divided government and a less divisive tone in national politics.

Amen to that and God bless America. May our nation—and a viable two-party system committed to the Constitution and the rule of law—live long and prosper.

Feature photo credit: Rep.-Elect Michelle Steel (R-California), courtesy of her Facebook page.

Senate Republicans Shirk Their Constitutional Duty by Refusing to Hear Witness Testimony

Senate Republicans have decided that their political interests are best served by not conducting a full and fair impeachment trial involving all relevant facts and witness testimony.

As a purely political matter, they may be right: Polls show that Republicans overwhelmingly oppose impeachment and believe Trump when he derides the hearings as a “witch hunt” and a “hoax.” But as President Kennedy famously put it, “sometimes party loyalty asks too much.”

Indeed, GOP senators have greater obligations than loyalty to their party. They have an obligation to the Constitution and to history, to the rule of law and the separation of powers.

Yet, by deliberately conducting a sham trial designed to conceal the truth from the American people while covering-up for Trump, Senate Republicans are shirking these greater obligations and doing themselves and the nation a great disservice.

Specifically and ominously, they are undermining the rule of law and he separation of powers, which are bedrock pillars of our Constitutional order.

Rule of Law. Senate Republicans are undermining the rule of law by ignoring or downplaying Trump’s wrongdoing and refusing to thoroughly examine the factual record to see what laws might have been violated.

And the fact that the House of Representatives did not charge Trump with violating any specific law (though it did charge him with abuse of power and obstruction of Congress) is no excuse for the Senate’s abdication of its Constitutional responsibility to conduct a serious and credible trial.

The House did the best it could in the face of obvious Trump administration stonewalling and obstruction of justice. The Senate, because it is controlled by the president’s own (Republican) party, has far greater political leeway and wherewithal to investigate the administration than does the House.

Trump, after all, is far less likely and able to stonewall GOP senators than he is Democratic congressmen. Yet, the Senate declined to fully exercise its institutional prerogatives during the impeachment trial, and the reasons offered up by Republican senators are weak, feeble, and beside the point.

Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.), for instance, said that because the House proved its case re: the first article of impeachment (abuse of power, by asking Ukraine’s government to “investigate” Joe Biden and Burisma), there is no need for additional witness testimony or evidence—especially since, in Alexander’s mind, Trump’s offense does not warrant his removal from office by the Senate.

But this legalistic excuse for inaction won’t cut it. Impeachment, remember, is a political act. Consequently, there is a lot more to consider than simple guilt or innocence. The Senate has a responsibility to unearth all relevant facts and information, so that the American people can make an informed political decision on election day, Nov. 3, 2020.

This is especially important since the Senate isn’t convicting Trump—in large part, says Alexander, out of respect for the electoral wishes of the citizenry. There is, he notes, a presidential election Nov. 3, 2020, and Trump’s fate should be decided then not now.

Fair enough, but how is the electorate served by short-circuiting the trial and concealing information from the public record that the American people could otherwise review, weigh and consider on election day?

In fact, because the Senate is acquitting Trump, it has an even greater responsibility to ensure that all pertinent evidence and witness testimony are part of the public record.

The Senate, moreover, doesn’t know what it doesn’t know. While the House did not charge Trump with breaking the law per se, it still unearthed a myriad of information that implicates the president with wrongdoing and abusing his authority.

It is entirely possible that a full and complete trial, with firsthand witness testimony, would have unearthed additional information that might have established clearer-cut instances of illegality by the president.

At the very least, if the Senate had taken the time do its due diligence, we would know more than we now do, and voters would have greater situational awareness and understanding when they go to the polls in November.

Separation of Powers. As for the separation of powers, Congress is supposed to be an independent branch of government that serves as a check on the executive branch. Yet, by covering-up for Trump, the Senate has turned itself into a wholly owned subsidiary of Trump, Inc. and yielded its Constitutional authority to the demands of the executive branch.

In short, when it comes to impeachment, there is no separation, as prescribed by the Constitution, between the Senate and the White House. Mitch McConnell, in fact, said publicly before the trial even began that 

“Everything I do during this I’m coordinating with the White House counsel. There will be no difference between the president’s position and our position as to how to handle this.”

So much for fidelity to the Constitution and its original meaning.

Of course, the Wall Street Journal Editorial Board ignores all of this and focuses exclusively on the question of removing Trump from office. They say Alexander’s “vote against witnesses was rooted in Constitutional wisdom” and is his “finest hour” as a public servant.

But while a legitimate case can be made that the Senate should not convict Trump, this does not mean it should abort its search for truth and give up on a full and fair trial. These are two separate and distinct questions, which the Journal deliberately and misleadingly conflates 

Thus far from being Alexander’s “finest hour,” his vote against witness testimony was his most disgraceful and shameful act as a senator. And far from being rooted in Constitutional wisdom, this decision instead is an utter abdication of Constitutional duty.

Senate Republicans should hang their heads in shame and be on high alert come election day. The voters may be less forgiving than the GOP’s media apologists at the Wall Street Journal.

Feature photo credit: The Nashville Tennessean via Commercial Appeal.

Tests, Vaccines, and Medical Supplies: America Mobilizes to Combat the Coronavirus

Because the entrepreneurial spirit and rebellion against authority are part and parcel of our national and cultural DNA, you can never say America is down for the count.

Sure, things look bad right now; but it’s always darkest before the dawn. And Americans are not standing idly by and passively accepting their dire fate as predicted by the “experts.” Instead, they’re fighting back, and with notable, if underplayed and unheralded, success.

For example, Abbott Labs announced Friday that it has developed a new, portable test that can determine, within five to 13 minutes, whether someone is infected with the coronavirus.

The company expects to deliver 50,000 tests per day starting next week.

Scott Gottlieb, former head of the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), and a medical doctor who has been at the forefront of assessing the COVID-19 pandemic, calls the new test a “game-changer.” He says it’s very likely that other Point of Care diagnostic tests will soon be coming to market.

Point of Care testing is medical testing that can be done anywhere and not just in a hospital or laboratory setting.

Point of Care testing is critically important because it will facilitate rapid and comprehensive testing, which is integral to mitigation and containment strategies that will break the epidemic spread of the virus and allow Americans to return to work.

“If we know who is infected, who is not, and who has recovered, we could greatly relax social isolation requirements and send both the uninfected and the recovered back to work,” explain researchers Tim Searchinger, Anthony LaMantia, and Gordon Douglas.

Indeed, only “massive testing” of the entire U.S. population will allow us to avert “two disastrous and unsustainable scenarios,” they argue.

The first scenario involves essentially shutting down the U.S. economy for perhaps a year or more until a vaccine is developed.

The second scenario involves shutting down the U.S. economy (or major parts of the U.S. economy) intermittently in response to each new outbreak of the virus.

In either scenario, the result would be a severe recession, if not a great depression. And, “even with intermittent isolation,” write the researchers, hospitals likely “would be overwhelmed and many people would die.”

Thus says Gottlieb: “We need widespread testing to know where and to what extent the virus is spreading.”

Physicians, meanwhile, are making innovative, “off-label” use of hydroxychloroquine (an anti-malarial drug) and azithromycin (an antibiotic) to treat COVID-19 patients, and with promising results.

Medical researchers, likewise, are working round-the-clock to develop a vaccine, as clinical trials are underway and moving apace

“America is home to a vast, dynamic life-science industry,” says Gottlieb. “This is its moment. This is why decades of drug investment and development matter so much.”

The “arsenal of democracy,” moreover, is rapidly retooling to become the healthcare supplier of first resort.

Ventec Life Systems and General Motors, for instance, have teamed up to meet an urgent and unprecedented need for “FDA-cleared Level 1 surgical masks” and “sophisticated, high-quality critical care ventilators.”

“The companies are adding thousands of units of new capacity with a significantly expanded supply chain capable of supporting high volume production. GM is contributing its resources at cost,” the companies announced Friday.

Make no mistake: America was slow to realize the dangers of the coronavirus. We were caught flatfooted and unprepared. We did not realize what was hitting us.

But as Churchill famously said, “You can always count on the Americans to do the right thing—after they’ve tried everything else.”

We may not have tried everything else, but we’re certainly doing the right thing—or at least trying mightily to do the right thing. And that matters. That is why America is not yet done. Not by a long shot.

Feature photo credit: Abbott Labs in Temecula, California via Connect Media.