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The Fight We Want and the Justice We Need: Amy Coney Barrett

This is not just a fight for one Supreme Court nominee. It is a fight for the rule of law, the restoration of Constitutional government, and the right of women to live freely without being stereotyped by the political and cultural Left.

President Trump reportedly will select Amy Coney Barrett to replace Ruth Bader Ginsburg on the Supreme Court.

In a better and more politically mature country, this would be significant news, of course, but hardly the occasion for a titanic political fight, with far-reaching ramifications that promise to resonate deeply throughout the wider culture.

Yet, both the Left and the Right, conservatives and progressives, Democrats and Republicans, view this nomination as critically important and a landmark event in American history.

Judicial Overreach. That is because the courts and the judiciary increasingly have played an outsized role in American politics. Public-policy decisions that, by all rights under the Constitution, should be decided by the American people through their elected representatives have been decided instead by unelected judges.

The Left generally has welcomed and promoted judicial overreach because it has allowed them to short-circuit the legislative process and to achieve their political and public-policy objectives through judicial decree.

For this same reason, of course, the Right generally has lamented and opposed judicial overreach because it has denied them even the possibility of achieving their political and public-policy objectives legislatively and at the ballot box.

Hence the present moment, where nominations to the Supreme Court have become politically momentous events that promise to radically alter our public-policy universe. But this is not what the American Founding Fathers intended when they created an independent judiciary.

The Founding Fathers viewed the judiciary as performing an important but limited role: interpreting and applying the law in a narrowly prescribed technical sense, not creating new rights that correspond with our evolving sense of justice.

If the courts had remained faithful to this original purpose, then we would be spared all of the Sturm und Drang that now surrounds Supreme Court nominations.

Instead of being political spectacles, where underhanded partisans try to destroy the nominee, we would have more low-key affairs in which the Senate performs its advise and consent role with little notice and little fanfare.

Left-Wing Attacks. Of course, as the Wall Street Journal points out, the vicious and savage attacks on Supreme Court nominees have come exclusively from one side: the political left.

The low-blows started with the smearing of Robert Bork in 1987 and they culminated in the attempted character assassination of Brett Kavanaugh two years ago. Democratic nominees, by contrast, have been treated fairly and respectfully by conservatives.

But as a married woman with seven children—including a special needs child and two adopted children from Haiti—Barrett is much more difficult target to smear and defame.

And that is why her nomination is so critically important: because it promises to restore, finally and belatedly, the Constitutional balance of power between the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government; and because it promises a fair and honest fight—a fight which will help illuminate for the American people what is at stake and the proper role of the judiciary in our system of government.

Conservative Disappointment. I say finally and belatedly because conservatives have been trying for decades to rein in the courts through judicial appointments, but with limited success and much disappointment.

Robert Bork, for instance, never made it to the Supreme Court after being smeared by the Left and narrowly voted down by the Senate. His replacement, Anthony Kennedy, was no originalist.

Kennedy, in fact, voted to uphold an utterly manufactured Constitutional right to abortion, while spearheading a series of decisions that culminated in an equally fabricated Constitutional right to same-sex marriage.

To avert a contentious Senate confirmation fight, George H. W. Bush gave us David Souter, who turned out to be reliably liberal or left-wing justice. And George W. Bush gave us Chief Justice John Roberts, who has inexplicably sided with the Left in several key decisions involving, for instance, Obamacare and the U.S. Census.

Even Neil Gorsuch, a Trump nominee, has surprised and disappointed conservatives by finding new “progressive” meaning in statutes long considered fixed and settled.

For this reason—because conservative justices can occasionally stray and be heterodox and unpredictable in their thinking—it is probably necessary to have six originalists on the Court before Constitutional order can be restored.

A Justice Barrett would be, essentially, the Court’s sixth originalist.

Cultural Significance. Barrett’s ascension to the high court also will have far-reaching political and cultural significance. She is a practicing Catholic who takes her faith seriously and, as mentioned, is the mother of seven children, including a special needs child and two adopted children from Haiti.

As such, she represents a type of woman in America—conservative and religious, educated and accomplished, professional and family-oriented—that progressive cultural denizens in Hollywood and the media ignore, ridicule, and caricature.

Yet there are millions of such women in America today and their voices deserve to be heard and recognized.

A Justice Barrett, simply by being who she is, will help ensure that these women—our wives, mothers, sisters, and daughters—no longer are ignored, ridiculed, and caricatured.

In short, this is the fight we want and the justice we need. Barrett’s nomination is the culmination of a decades-long effort to restore Constitutional government in America. The country will be notably freer and immeasurably better off when that is achieved.

Feature photo creditThe Federalist.

Who Among the Dems Will Win the Black Vote? Who Can Win the Black Vote?

African Americans still support Biden; but in lieu of his losses in Iowa and New Hampshire, they’re reconsidering their options.

The American political universe is focused on black voters and whether they will rally to Biden, Sanders, Buttigieg, Bloomberg, or Klobuchar in the Democratic Party’s presidential contest.

Black voters are key because, historically, they have voted overwhelmingly Democratic and will represent an increasing share of the party’s primary electorate in the weeks and months to come.

But there is real doubt and uncertainty about how they will vote and what might sway them. Very few African Americans, after all, have thus far voted, since Iowa and New Hampshire are overwhelmingly caucasian.

So it’s not as if we have real-world results by which to gauge or measure whom black voters will support.

Still, no one doubts that black voters will determine the party’s nominee. For numerical reasons alone if nothing else, they are too important a Democratic Party constituency.

Indeed, as Joe Biden put it on the night he badly lost the New Hampshire primary

The fight to end Donald Trump’s presidency is just beginning… because, up til now, we haven’t heard from the most committed constituency of the Democratic Party: the African-American community…

I want you all to think of a number: 99.9 percent—that’s the percentage of African American voters who have not yet had a chance to vote in America…

You can’t be the Democratic nominee, and you can’t win a general election as a Democrat, unless you have overwhelming support from black and brown voters… It’s just really simple… It’s a natural fact. It’s true. It’s absolutely true…

All those Democrats who won against incumbents, from Jimmy Carter to a guy named Clinton to a guy named Obama, my good friend—guess what? They all had overwhelming African American support. Without it, nobody [in the Democratic Party has] ever won [the presidency]… 

In short, to understand what has happened politically since New Hampshire, and what is to come, you have to understand the challenges and opportunities that exist for each of the candidates re: the black vote. Herewith a status update in a race that is still fluid and uncertain.

In this post, we’ll address Biden’s prospects with African American voters; and, in subsequent posts, we’ll do the same for each of the other Democratic presidential candidates.

Biden. As his aforementioned remarks indicate, and as we’ve explained here at ResCon1, Biden needs to win in South Carolina or his campaign is finished.

The good news for Biden, reports FiveThirtyEight’s Nathaniel Rakich, is that his “firewall in Southern states appears weakened but still standing.” A Feb. 13 East Carolina University poll, for instance, shows him with 28 percent of the vote in South Carolina versus 20 parent for Sanders.

Biden, moreover, “still has a strong lead (16 points over Sanders) among [the state’s] African American voters, a crucial voting bloc that has sided with the eventual nominee in every Democratic primary since 1992,” Rakich notes.

In fact, black voters account for roughly 60 percent of the Democratic Party primary electorate in South Carolina.

The bad news for Biden: he is losing ground in the Palmetto State and his rivals are gaining at his expense. “It wouldn’t take much more of a drop to put Sanders in the lead in our polling average ,” Rakich writes. “There are still two weeks until South Carolina votes, remember.”

“Interviews with two dozen South Carolina lawmakers, consultants and voters here suggests there are deep cracks in Joe Biden’s firewall state,” writes Maya King in Politico.

A February 10 Quinnipiac University national poll  she notes, “shows Biden’s support among African-Americans at 27 percent—a 22-point slip from before the Iowa caucus.”

With bad back-to-back losses in Iowa and New Hampshire, Biden has lost the air of inevitability that one surrounded his campaign; and black voters, consequently, seem to be reconsidering their support and looking at other candidates.

The bottom line: Biden is still afloat politically, but he’s taking on water at an alarming rate, and his ship may yet capsize. All hands are on deck in South Carolina, which is do-or-die politically for him. He needs a very strong showing of support from black voters.

Right now, Biden has sufficient support from African Americans to prevail in South Carolina Feb. 29; but Sanders remains a formidable political foe, and billionaire Tom Steyer is “doing an incredible job” attracting the interest of Palmetto State black voters, says the dean of the state’s Congressional delegation and House Majority Whip, Rep. Jim Clyburn.

Next up, we’ll consider the prospects of former South Bend, Indiana, Mayor Pete Buttigieg.

Feature photo credit: Demetrius Freeman/New York Times via Redux and published by ABC News.

What if Trump Used His Twitter Feed to Wage War Against ISIS?

Many critics, myself included, lament the fact that President Trump tweets so much. In truth, though, the problem is not that Trump tweets so much; it’s that so much of what he tweets is embarrassing, juvenile, and blatantly detrimental to his own political interests.

But just imagine, if you will, a president who had greater self-awareness, self-discipline, maturity, wisdom, savvy, and political smarts. Why, such a president could tweet regularly and often, but to much greater political effect. I thought about this when reading an excellent piece by Thomas Joscelyn in The Dispatch.

Joscelyn is a senior editor at the Long War Journal published by the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies. He notes that, according to fresh reporting by Martin Chulov and Mohammed Rasool in The Guadian, the Islamic State’s new leader is Amir Mohammed Abdul Rahman al-Mawli al-Salbi, also known as Haji Abdullah; and he is not an Arab, but an ethnic Turkmen.

Salbi (or Haji Abdullah) became the leader of ISIS after their previous leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, blew himself up in a U.S. military raid in late October 2019. And the fact that Salbi is not an Arab, but an ethnic Turkmen is a real problem for the Islamic State: because it calls into question Salbi’s legitimacy as a ruler in the eyes of the jihadists whom he’s supposed to lead and command.

Why is that? Because ISIS’s claim to legitimacy its based on the fact that its rulers supposedly descend from the Prophet Muhammad; but such a claim is dubious, Joscelyn points out, if in fact, Salbi is not an Arab.

An earlier leader of the Islamic State, Abu Omar al-Baghdadi, had much the same problem, he notes.

Jihadist critics argued that no one really knew Abu Omar’s true identity or background, so it was absurd for anyone to declare their fealty to him. Bin Laden had to answer this charge in both his private correspondence and public statements.

There’s more to the story, but the point is that this could be a real problem for the current Islamic State, which split off from al-Qaeda. But thus far the U.S. and its allies have done little to exploit it.

“If the U.S. and its allies were adept at messaging—and, trust me,” Joscelyn writes, “they are not—this is the sort of apparent discrepancy that would be trumpeted far and wide as part of a counterterrorist media campaign.”

Internecine Jihadi War. This is a great and under-appreciated point. Internecine ideological disputes within the Jihadist ranks are intense and very real—and taken quite seriously by the Jihadists themselves. The United States should be doing everything that it possibly can to exploit these divisions and keep the Jihadists divided and at war with themselves.

This is especially important because, as Joscelyn observes, ISIS is not yet dead. Indeed, despite the loss of its territory, the terrorist group retains an estimated 14,000 to 18,000 combatants in Syria and Iraq combined, including “key veteran personnel” such as Haji Abdullah.

Haji Abdullah, in fact, “is a founding member of the Islamic State’s first incarnation, with his jihadist biography stretching back to the days of al-Qaeda in Iraq (circa 2003-04),” Joscelyn writes.

An American President who understood this (not President Trump, obviously) could use his Twitter feed smartly and wisely to wage war agains the Jihadists.

And there is no need for heavy propaganda or editorializing either. Simply tweeting out a link to this Guardian article, for instance, and mildly asking some fair and legitimate questions about the ISIS leader would do the trick.

Unfortunately, Trump would rather tweet in juvenile and idiotic fashion about what he last saw on Fox News or how he was wronged by the “Deep State.” But the problem is not Twitter, which, in the right hands, can be used well and to good effect. The problem is the man—or the adolescent in a man’s body—behind the tweet.

Feature photo credit: The Guardian

Obesity Explains Why Alarming Numbers of Young Americans Are Dying from the Coronavirus

I wrote a piece March 10 in which I argued that “obesity is a much more dangerous public health problem than the coronavirus.”

Four days later, I apologized for that piece because it wrongly “downplayed the risk of the coronavirus and criticized the resultant ‘public panic (or at least [the] media panic)” over COVID-19. 

”I was not entirely wrong,” I wrote. “For the vast majority of us, obesity is a much more dangerous public health problem than the coronavirus.”

Well, as it turns out, instead of looking at obesity and the coronavirus as two separate and distinct problems or causes of death, we should consider them as complementary partners in crime—as joint and interrelated causes of mortality: because, as the Washington Examiner’s Tina Lowe points out:

“New data seems to indicate that obesity is itself a risk factor” for dying from the coronavirus. “In France,” she notes,

more than 4 in 5 coronavirus patients in intensive care are overweight; and in Shenzhen, China, researchers found that obesity “significantly increases the risk of developing severe pneumonia” for coronavirus patients…

We also know that preexisting conditions—including hypertension, diabetes, and heart disease—contribute. Being overweight or obese are risk factors for all of those conditions…

This helps to explain why, relatively speaking, many more young Americans are dying from the coronavirus than are young people in other countries. As Lowe reports:

Stanford University researchers found that whereas those under 65 comprised 5% to 9% of all coronavirus deaths in eight major European epicenters, those younger than 65 have accounted for a staggering 30% of all coronavirus deaths in major U.S. hotbeds.

For those in New York City, the absolute risk for people under 65 of dying from the coronavirus has been nearly three times greater than those in Italy, seven times greater than those in Belgium, and 46 times greater than those in Germany…

It should come as no surprise, [then], that younger populations in the United States are being hit so hard. More than 1 in 3 Americans is obese compared to roughly 1 in 5 Italians, Belgians, and Germans.

It’s no big mystery. We’re just fat, and right now it’s a big problem.

Indeed, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), roughly 2.8 million Americans die annually; and, as Medscape reports:

Overweight and obesity were associated with nearly 1 in 5 deaths (18.2%) among adults in the United States from 1986 through 2006, according to a study published in the American Journal of Public Health. Previous research has likely underestimated obesity’s impact on US mortality.

Mathematically, this means that roughly 500,000 Americans die every year because of obesity (2.8 million x 18 percent = 504,000).

By contrast, the worst projections for the coronavirus initially said it would lead to as many as 200,000 American deaths, or less than half the number of deaths caused by obesity. 

National Public Radio, moreover, reports that, according to Dr. Anthony Fauci, the head of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, “the final toll currently ‘looks more like 60,000 than the 100,000 to 200,000’ that U.S. officials previously estimated.”

But again, my point here is not to minimize the coronavirus, which is far more insidious, sudden, and unpredictable than obesity. Instead, it is to point out that the prevalence of obesity in the United States makes the coronavirus a much more dangerous and potentially fatal problem, especially for young people.

The bottom line: while you’re at home sheltering in place under stay-at-home orders mandated by the government, be sure to limit your trips to the fridge and kitchen pantry, and be sure to get in a good home workout.

That way, if you do contract the coronavirus, you’ll have a much better chance of weathering the storm and coming out alive on the other side.

Feature photo credit: Daily Times.

The Focus on Iran and Iraq Helps Bernie

With the Iowa Caucuses just three weeks away, Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders has surged into the lead, with a 20% share of the vote in a poll published Fri., Jan. 10, by the Des Moines Register, CNN and Mediacom.

It is not hard to discern why Bernie is surging. As the purest of the pure anti-war warriors in an anti-war (Democratic) party, Bernie is benefiting from the renewed focus on Iran and Iraq. The Washington Post‘s Michael Scherer reports:

“The targeted killing of a top Iranian military official on the orders of President thrust a long-simmering foreign policy divide to the forefront of the Democratic nomination fight Friday, exposing divisions about America’s role in the world just one month before voting begins.”

Joe Biden’s Vote for War,” intones The New York Times. The vote ominously referenced is Biden’s October 2002 vote to authorize U.S. military action against Saddam Hussein. As the Times explains:

“The vote has exposed him [Biden] to direct and implicit criticism from his chief presidential rivals, including Senator Elizabeth Warren and former Mayor Pete Buttigieg, a military veteran, and especially Senator Bernie Sanders, who voted against the war as a Vermont congressman and whose campaign has sharpened its criticism of Mr. Biden in recent days.

“Now, three weeks before the Iowa caucuses—held in a state with a fierce antiwar streak— the issue threatens to be a campaign liability for Mr. Biden as he seeks to assure voters of his ability to handle a foreign crisis even as he works to distance himself from a war that has had enormous costs for his own family, and for the nation.”

Ideology is very relevant and important in Iowa. In 2016, notes NBC News:

“More than two-thirds of Iowa Dem participants identified themselves as liberals… Twenty-eight percent said they were ‘very liberal,’ and Sanders won them [over Hillary] by nearly 20 points, 58 percent to 39 percent…

“A larger share—40 percent—said they were just ‘liberal,’ and Clinton narrowly beat Sanders among these voters, 50 percent to 44 percent.”

Politics is filled with irony, and one of the greatest ironies surely is this: A great wartime achievement, the killing of terrorist mastermind Qassem Suleimani, may lead to a great political victory in Iowa by a fervent isolationist and anti-interventionist, Bernie Sanders. More ironic still: it may lead to Bernie’s election as President of the United States.

Bernie’s Charmed Political Life Masks His Ideological Extremism

Bernie’s surge in Iowa and his steadfast core of support nationwide mask his extreme left-wing views. Most political reporting, after all, is focused on the competitive horserace and not on matters of substantive public policy. This has resulted in the norming or legitimization of Bernie’s far-left ideas, as voters are led to believe that the Vermont senator is just the latest in a long line of conventional Democratic presidential frontrunners.

Of course, nothing could be further from the truth. Bernie, remember, is an avowed socialist fully committed to the redistribution of wealth, punishing and punitive rates of taxation, government control and coercion, public-sector monopolies, and American military withdrawal and retreat.

In short, Bernie is no JFK. He isn’t even Jimmy Carter or Barack Obama. How, then, did we arrive at this improbable and frightening moment where Bernie has become a bona fide presidential frontrunner who might well capture the Democratic presidential nomination and perhaps even the Presidency of the United States?

In an illuminating piece published today, National Review’s Jim Geraghty helps answer this question. Bernie, Geraghty points out, has led a charmed political life marked by incredible luck and a series of one unlikely success after another.

For example, Bernie first ran for office “in late 1971 because he volunteered and no one else did… He received one percent of the vote,” but gained valuable political experience. “In 1980, when he first ran for mayor of the town [of Burlington, Vermont, Bernie] won by 10 votes over a wildly overconfident five-term incumbent who ‘hardly bothered to campaign.’

“…In 1988,” Geraghty notes, Bernie “ran for Vermont’s open U.S. House seat and lost, in what could have been the end of his political career.” But alas, he ran again two years later in a six-way race.

The incumbent, Republican Peter Smith, had changed his mind on the so-called assault-weapons ban, infuriating gun owners and their political leaders. This led to an endorsement of the then-independent Sanders by . . . NRA executive vice president Wayne LaPierre. (“The gun vote brought us down,” Smith’s campaign manager later lamented.) Thus, with the help of the nation’s most powerful gun-rights group, Sanders was first elected to Congress. He’s been there ever since.

Yes, Bernie has been incredibly lucky. But as the old adage has it, you make your own luck. “Eighty percent of success is showing up,” explained Woody Allen.

Bernie has shown up, and he has competed politically, often when no one else would. Consequently, he is today knocking on the door to the Democratic presidential nomination, and he may well push the door open in Iowa Feb. 3. We’ll see.

The Trump Resemblance. In this way, Bernie bears a striking political resemblance to Donald Trump, another extraordinarily lucky politician who won (in 2016) largely just by showing up and competing politically. But like Trump, Bernie has his own peculiar ideas that run crosscurrent to the political mainstream.

We don’t hear much about these ideas because political reporting is what it is, and because of the cult of personality that surrounds “The Bern.” But make no mistake: Bernie’s radical positions are the essence of who and what he is politically. And precisely because his ideas are ideologically moored and grounded, they threaten to radically disrupt American life in ways Trump never dreamed of or even thought possible.

Trump’s peculiarities, after all, are his utter and complete self-absorption and narcissistic personality disorder. Bernie’s peculiarities, by contrast, have nothing to do with personality and everything to do with ideology, and, for that reason, are arguably far more dangerous. We will feel the burn, indeed.

Trump’s Quest for Revenge Threatens to Destroy His Chances for Reelection

Case in point: this week’s National Prayer Breakfast, White House political rally, and ‘Friday Night Massacre’

Has there ever been an American president—or any elected official for that matter—with a greater propensity to shoot himself in the foot than Donald J. Trump? He seems as eager to squander his political fortune as he did his father’s big-money inheritance.

The president this week survived impeachment and gave a masterfully written State of the Union Address. His most formidable potential general election opponent, former Vice President Joe Biden, is imploding after finishing a distant fourth in the Iowa Caucuses and trailing badly in the New Hampshire primary, which takes place Tues., Feb. 11.

Any semi-functioning adult with half a brain would recognize that lady luck is shining down upon him, thank his lucky stars, and look forward, not backward.

But of course, Trump, as we all know, is not normal. He is dim-witted and seemingly hellbent on snatching defeat from the jaws of victory. Thus he spent the latter part of the week venting his spleen and trying to exact revenge on his enemies, real and imagined.

And if Trump loses reelection, it won’t be because of the growing economy, booming stock market, historically low unemployment rate, and relative peace and prosperity that we Americans now enjoy.

Instead, it will be because of days like Thursday and Friday, when the electorate saw an angry and vindictive man who seems to care more about creating drama and settling personal scores than he does about exercising calm and steady leadership that will benefit us all.

First, there was the National Prayer Breakfast, which Trump bastardized. Then there was his rank display of anger, self-pity and resentment on display for all the world to see at a pathetic and melancholy White House rally with Republican lawmakers.

And finally, Trump had nonpartisan public servants and military officers whom he deemed responsible for his impeachment publicly fired, dismissed, and humiliated. It was, to say the least, a shameful and disgraceful exhibition of selfishness, self-absorption, and small-mindedness.

The National Prayer Breakfast, of course, is a 68-year-old national tradition in the nation’s capital. It is, obviously, supposed to be an apolitical, nonpartisan event that brings lawmakers and the country together. The intent is to call a ceasefire in our nation’s political wars and temporarily suspend partisan hostilities.

For most normal politicians, this is an easy-lift and something they look forward to doing. It gives them the chance to rise above the political fray and appear judicious and broad-minded, while appealing to apolitical, independent voters turned off by constant political warfare.

Amazingly, though, Trump managed to fumble this opportunity and turn it into an easy score for his enemies.

How? By stupidly politicizing the event and completely disregarding its purpose and intent. As Cal Thomas explains, Trump arrived late and held up two newspapers that included “acquitted” in their headline. This was an obvious reference to his impeachment acquittal by the Senate.

He conspicuously avoided shaking hands with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-California); and, after Arthur Brooks, the former head of the American Enterprise Institute, gave a wonderful speech expounding upon the theme of his 2019 book, Love Your Enemies, Trump responded: “Arthur, I don’t know if I agree with you… I don’t know if Arthur’s going to like what I’m going to say.”

Well, Trump is surely right about that, because, as Michael Gerson observes in the Washington Post:

The purpose of Trump’s sermon at the Hilton was, in fact, to put his enemies on notice. Those who pursued impeachment were “very dishonest and corrupt people.” “They know what they are doing is wrong,” he continued, “but they put themselves far ahead of our great country.”

Congressional Republicans, in contrast, had the wisdom and strength “to do what everyone knows was right.”

Trump proceeded to make a thinly veiled attack against Mitt Romney of Utah, the only Republican senator to vote for the president’s removal: “I don’t like people who use their faith as justification for doing what they know is wrong.”

And then a shot at House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.): “Nor do I like people who say, ‘I’ll pray for you,’ when I know that is not so.”

The rest of the speech alternated between pedestrian civil religion and Trump campaign riffs. The stock market is up. Do I hear an “amen”? Gallup personal satisfaction numbers are rising. Preach it, brother!

What makes Trump’s remarks all the more stunning is that, as Gerson points out, Brooks’ argument for political forgiveness and reconciliation isn’t based on some odd or esoteric ideal.

Instead, it is based on Biblical commands and the words of Jesus Christ himself: “Love your enemies; bless those that curse you; do good to them that hate you.” It’s all there in the Sermon on the Mount.

It is understandable, of course, that, in the immediate aftermath of impeachment, Trump would be angry and disinclined to forgive and forget, let alone love his political enemies. We all understand that and Brooks understands that. Which is why, as Cal Thomas notes:

In his remarks, Brooks said that if people can’t sincerely practice forgiveness and reconciliation, they should “fake it.” His point was that reconciliation has a power all its own, even if one initially is not sincere about it. Trump clearly missed a grand opportunity. It would have cost him nothing to shake Pelosi’s hand.

Trump’s Angry Rant. But Trump rarely misses an opportunity to fumble the ball politically; and he did so again later that day in what the Washington Post’s David Nakamura describes as an “angry, raw and vindictive 62-minute White House rant:

He spoke without a teleprompter. He cursed in the East Room. He called the House speaker a “horrible person.” He lorded his power over a room full of deferential Republicans. He mocked a former GOP presidential nominee and his 2016 Democratic rival. He played the victim again and again.

Two days after President Trump delivered what aides called an “optimistic” State of the Union address that made no mention of his historic impeachment, he ranted for more than an hour at the White House on Thursday in a “celebration” of his Senate acquittal a day earlier. But the mood—at least his mood—was not particularly celebratory.

Trump was angry, raw, vindictive, aggrieved—reflecting the id of a president who has seethed for months with rage against his enemies. This was the State of Trump.

In short, it was not an attractive or winning performance. It was, as I say, an exercise in selfishness, self-absorption, and small-mindedness—and it will not win Trump any votes beyond his hardcore base in November.

‘Friday Night Massacre.’ The president concluded the week by removing Army Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Vindman from the National Security Council (NSC) and firing Gordon Sondland, the U.S. Ambassador to the European Union.

Their crime: they testified truthfully before Congress about Trump’s phone call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and the pressure campaign mounted by Trump adviser Rudy Giuliani and others to force Ukraine to investigate Joe Biden and Burisma.

LTC Yevgeny Vindman also was removed from the NSC, apparently because he is the twin brother of LTC Alexander Vindman. Politico, moreover, reports that others who testified truthfully before Congress—former U.S. envoy to Ukraine Marie Yovanovitch and former top U.S. envoy to Ukraine William Taylor—left their posts in recent days.

National Security staff, ambassadors and envoys, of course, serve at the pleasure of the president. Trump has every right to dismiss those he deems untrustworthy, unsupportive, and unhelpful. But these dismissals were clearly rooted in Trump’s desire to exact revenge and retribution on mostly apolitical and nonpartisan public servants whose only crime was to tell the truth to Congress and the American people.

Indeed, as Sen. Jack Reed (D-Rhode Island) explains, “by firing Lieutenant Colonel Vindman and Ambassador Sondland like this, the Trump administration signaled it won’t tolerate people who tell tell the truth.” Max Boot notes that federal law (18 U.S. Code § 1513) protects witnesses from retaliation—“not that the president will ever be prosecuted,” he writes.

But while Trump may be technically within his rights, he is clearly violating the spirit of the law, and, as a political matter, is hurting himself and the country. No American—and certainly, no independent-minded swing voter—wants as president a man with a disdain for the truth and an intolerance for staff who tell Congress and the American people the truth.

The smart move, politically, would have been to demonstrate some magnanimity and high-mindedness, leave these officials and staff in place, and move on to matters of greater political and public policy consequence. 

Trump also viciously defamed LTC Vindman in two tweets filled with lies and falsehoods about Vindman’s service on the National Security Council.

We’ll have more to say about that in a subsequent piece; but what matters here is Trump’s stupid and boneheaded political judgment. How does viciously attacking a decorated Army officer and Iraq War veteran help Trump’s political prospects and chances for reelection?

It obviously doesn’t.

Political Self-Immolation. If (when?) trump loses reelection, political analysts and historians may see the days after his acquittal as critical harbingers of his defeat. This was when Trump decided to forego any attempt to rise above the fray and try and unite the country.

Instead, he opted to indulge himself by trying to exact revenge and retribution against anyone he thinks did him wrong. Trump should learn from another president, Richard Nixon, who, although nearly impeached, actually won reelection in a landslide (albeit before he was impeached).

“Always remember,” Nixon said, “others may hate you, but those who hate you don’t win unless you hate them, and then you destroy yourself.”

Unfortunately, at a time when everything politically is working in Trump’s favor, he has embarked upon a path that likely will destroy himself and the Republican Party, and it may be too late to stop him.

Feature Photo Credit: Market Watch.

Bernie Wins Black Support Without Being Overly Dependent Upon African Americans

This is the fourth is a series of posts that examines how the Democratic presidential contenders are faring with black voters. Thus far we’ve considered Joe Biden, Pete Buttigieg, and Michael Bloomberg. Here we consider Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders.

Bernie Sanders is a self-avowed democratic socialist who wants to outlaw private-sector health insurance, ban hydraulic fracking, eliminate nuclear power, abolish the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and Customs and Border Protection (CBP) agencies, impose national rent control, nationalize electrical power production, and make corporations quasi-public entities that are increasingly accountable not to shareholders and the market, but to politicians and the state.

In short, if Bernie were to secure the Democratic presidential nomination, he would be, without question, the most radical and left-wing major party presidential nominee in all of American history.

Most black Democrats, by contrast, reject his ideas—or at least there is no great groundswell of support among African Americans for such a radical restructuring of American society and the U.S. market economy.

To the contrary, most black Democrats are moderates or center-left liberals who seek greater government support and protection within a broader market economy.

And yet: Bernie is doing very well with African American voters. A new Washington Post/ABC News poll shows him just three points behind Biden (31-28) in black support. 

Since January, reports the Post, Sanders “has more than doubled his support among black voters and has gained among whites without college degrees.”

State Polls. In South Carolina, Sanders is losing the black vote to Biden 43-20 according to a new UMass Lowell poll. But South Carolina is just one state, and it is the one state where Biden has cashed in all of his chips, so to speak, because it is truly a do-or-die state for him, politically. 

Still, for Sanders, 20 percent of the black vote in a state where he hasn’t been especially active and where the electorate is fractured among several competing candidates ain’t bad. In North Carolina, Virginia, and other southern states with large black populations, Sanders is holding his own, with roughly 17-20 percent of the black vote.

That may be more than enough black support for Sanders to win his share of states with large African American populations.

At the very least, it will be more than enough black support for Sanders to amass a large share of the delegates, since the Democrats award their delegates proportionately in accordance with a candidate’s share of the overall vote tally vice a winner-take-all approach.

Moreover, as the primary race moves further north and west, into New York, Texas, Illinois, Michigan, and California, Sanders is poised to do even better with black voters.

That’s because he polls better nationally among black voters than he does statewide in South Carolina, North Carolina, Virginia, and other southern states. This suggests that Sanders has greater black support outside of the south in the cities and in other urban and industrial areas.

Sanders Connects. In any case, what accounts for Sanders success with black voters, given the ideological divide between him, a self-avowed socialist, and them, more moderate, center-left types?

Two things: First, as David Frum has observed, although he is a socialist, Bernie is not especially “woke” or politically correct. In fact, he tends to eschew or avoid identity politics, focusing instead on bread-and-butter economic issues—jobs, healthcare, education, student debt relief, the social-safety net, et al.

These are the types of everyday, “meat-and-potato” concerns that resonate with ordinary voters, black and white.

Democratic primary voters thus tend not to see Sanders as the radical or socialist that he genuinely is. Instead, they see him as a pragmatic liberal politician eager to use the power of the state to extend economic opportunity to people who’ve been left behind, while interjecting greater fairness back into a system that, in their view, has been skewed and corrupted to favor the wealthy.

Second, Sanders support is heavily tilted toward younger voters, and his African American supporters are no different: They are conspicuously younger than, say, Joe Biden’s African American supporters.

Indeed, today’s Washington Post/ABC News poll shows Sanders with a commanding 50-12 lead over Biden among Democratic-leaning votes who are less than 50 years old. Among Democratic-leaning voters older than 50, by contrast, Biden bests Sanders 20-14.

This matters because younger voters today are far more left-wing and open to socialism than older voters, who actually remember the Soviet Union and 1970s era of domestic stagflation caused by an overweening and stifling government.

The bottom line: Bernie may be a self-avowed socialist; but he is also a smart politician who has been able to connect with an increasingly large swath of the Democratic Party primary electorate, black and white.

This puts him in a unique and enviable political position. Sanders is not desperately scrambling for black votes like, say, Pete Buttigieg; but neither is he utterly and completely dependent on black votes like, say, Joe Biden.

Instead, Sanders’ winning coalition occupies a middle ground between these two extremes of political need and political dependency. And that is why he is the undisputed—and perhaps unbeatable—frontrunner in this Democratic presidential primary race.

Feature photo credit: NBC News.

‘Endless War’ Is an Inaccurate Talking Point that Imperils Our Safety and National Security

Isolationists and anti-interventionists on both the left and the right have scored a lot of political points by decrying so-called endless war. It’s a great polemical talking point. Who, after all, is for “endless war”?

The talking point resonates because the United States has been in Afghanistan for 19 years and in Iraq for almost as long. But the term “endless war” is misleading, and it obscures more than it clarifies. And, in so doing, it distorts the policy options and choices that lie before us.

The choice that we face as a nation is not between peace or “endless war.” The choice that we face is between: a) a proliferation of dangerous threats; or b) a steady and consistent military and diplomatic presence abroad that keeps those threats at bay.

No one, after all, is talking about launching another 2003-style Iraq War, another 2007-style Iraq surge, or another 2001-style “shock and awe” campaign in Afghanistan or anywhere else for that matter. Large-scale occupying forces are neither needed nor desired now.

That’s because we’ve learned a lot in the past two decades of ongoing military engagement. We’ve learned that a large and massive military footprint isn’t always ideal and in fact, can sometimes be counterproductive.

But we’ve also learned that small numbers of highly trained U.S. military personnel and advisers can have an extraordinarily beneficial and outsized impact.

They can seriously stiffen the spines of our friends and allies; dramatically strengthen and enhance our diplomatic and negotiating leverage; and, in general, keep a lid on things, so to speak, by containing threats that otherwise would imperil our national security and safety worldwide.

Iraq and Syria. We saw this, for instance, in Iraq and Syria, where small numbers of U.S. special forces, aerial intelligence assets, and American air power were instrumental in uprooting the Islamic State and destroying its so-called caliphate.

That’s why President Trump’s decision last fall to abruptly withdraw U.S. troops from Syria was so tragically misguided, counterproductive and dangerous: It undermined our diplomatic leverage there and gave our enemies an opening to attack our friends and allies and undermine our interests.

Trump has since redeployed some of those troops to other parts of Syria; but his oft-expressed desire to leave altogether has weakened our position and embolden our enemies.

Trump should have learned from Obama’s foolish decision to withdraw all U.S. troops from Iraq. That decision led to the Islamic State, which, in turn, forced Obama to send U.S. troops back into Iraq.

Afghanistan. Yet, here are we are again, only this time in Afghanistan. A small contingent of U.S. forces there (roughly 12,000 troops), playing a key support role, have been critical in containing a witches’ brew of the Taliban, ISIS, al-Qaeda, and assorted other Jihadists. Yet, all Trump can do is talk about withdrawing U.S. troops and leaving Afghanistan.

“Time to come home,” he said Sunday. “They want to stop. You know, they’ve been fighting a long time. They’re tough people. We’re tough people. But after 19 years, that’s a long time.”

Yes, it is a long time. You know what also hasn’t happened in a long time? An attack on the United States that was planned and executed from a terrorist base in Afghanistan. Let’s keep it that way.

But the only way we’ll continue to protect the American homeland is not by “coming home,” but rather by keeping our foot on the enemy’s throat, so to speak, through a steady and consistent forward presence overseas.

A myopic and misplaced obsession with “endless war” obscures this reality. It’s long past time that we stopped—or ended, if you will—using the term altogether. As a policy option, it is inaccurate, and it doesn’t help or clarify the U.S. foreign policy debate.

The Media and the Politicians Color and Distort the Coronavirus and Stock Market Plunge

Two big and dramatic developments, the coronavirus and stock market plunge, are dominating the news. To understand these events and their true significance, you need to understand the political and journalistic prisms through which these events are being reported and assessed.

First, the media have a professional interest in hyping the threat from the coronavirus and exaggerating the dangers from the stock market plunge. Doing so draws in readership and viewership.

Staid and boring news, after all. doesn’t sell; dramatic and consequential news does. This doesn’t mean the coronavirus and stock market plunge aren’t significant events; they obviously are. But it does mean that they need to be put into perspective and viewed in historical context.

Second, we live in hyper-polarized times, politically, and are in the midst of a fiercely contested presidential election, with one-third of the Senate and all of the House of Representatives up for reelection.

This means that political candidates running and on the ballot have every incentive to seize upon whatever bad news they can to try and score political points against their opponents.

Thus much of the alarmist commentary that we’re hearing about the coronavirus and stock market plunge is attributable to politicians trying to win votes and media outlets trying to draw in readers and viewers.

That many journalists and media outlets are politically partisan and unabashedly anti-Trump further compounds this problem.

So, consider the source of your news and take in information with a skeptical eye. Things probably aren’t as bad as they seem. As Ecclesiastes 1:9 puts it, there is nothing new under the sun and we’ve most likely been here before. Do your own fair-minded reporting and analysis.

We’ll have more to say about the coronavirus and the stock market plunge. For now, it’s important to understand the interests and incentives of those who are reporting on these developments (the media), as well as those who are helping to drive media coverage (the politicians): because as Agent Scully put it in the X-Files: “The truth is out there. But so are lies.”

Feature photo credit: Medium.