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The Choices We Need—to Which the New York Times is Utterly Oblivious

The New York Times today published a long and eloquently written editorial that blames affluent Americans (mostly white or caucasian) for segregating themselves off from less affluent Americans (mostly black and Hispanic) and thereby giving rise to economic inequality and, allegedly, a corresponding lack of opportunity for the poor and disadvantaged.

The Times is rightly worried that the COVID-19 pandemic will exacerbate this problem—if, as is likely, it causes the affluent to further flee densely packed cities for neighborhoods that are more inherently conducive to social distancing and thus safer from pathogens like the coronavirus.

Restrictive Zoning. The Times has a point when it criticizes restrictive local zoning ordinances, which too often prevent the development of denser, varied, and more affordable types of housing.

But instead of proposing the obvious solution to this problem—more open, accommodating, and less restrictive zoning ordinances—the Times proposes more authoritarian-style, command-and-control regulations such as those imposed by the state of Oregon.

Oregon, reports the Times, last year banned single-family zoning in all cities of more than 10,000 people.

Of course, this doesn’t solve the problem of affordable housing; it exacerbates it, as the affluent bid up the price of increasingly scarce single-family housing stock in economically segregated neighborhoods.

More options, not fewer options, in the housing and education markets are needed to create greater opportunity for America’s poor and disadvantaged.

Sins of Omission. For these reasons, the Times’ editorial is remarkable for what it does not mention.

There is no mention of school choice, which allows parents of poor and disadvantaged students to send their children to a public or private school of their choice regardless of district or jurisdictional boundaries.

School choice programs have been enacted with great success in many states and locales; however, they run afoul of the teachers unions, which are a powerful Democratic Party constituency with deep financial pockets and organizational wherewithal.

The teachers unions rightly fear that choice and competition threaten their public school monopoly. Thus they are vociferous opponents of school choice.

Crime. There also is no mention of crime—or at least no substantive mention of crime and the very real effect crime has had in creating residential segregation and the inequality that the Times laments.

Instead, the Times mentions the word crime exactly once, and only to belittle and disparage it as a reason the affluent have fled cities and created more economically segregated neighborhoods, both within cities and in the surrounding suburbs.

But the truth is: an explosion of violent crime in our nation’s cities in the 1960s and ‘70s caused many people of financial means, black and white, to flee the cities.

The New York Times to the contrary notwithstanding, this had nothing to do with selfishness or “racism.”

Instead, it had everything to do with safety and survival—for yourself, your family, and your loved ones—and with wanting to ensure that your children grew up in a neighborhood rich in opportunity and free of violent crime.

American cities have rebounded in recent decades after Rudy Giuliani and other urban leaders embraced conservative reforms that dramatically reduced violent crime and made cities once again an oasis of safety and culture.

Yet, the Times and other “progressives” have been working diligently to overturn these reforms—by attacking “stop-and-frisk” policing, for instance, and by seeking to eliminate entrance exams for New York City’s elite public high schools.

Of course, the Times editorial is silent about crime because it is the elephant in the room that dare not be mentioned in “progressive” circles—except insofar as it can be used as a cudgel to attack the police.

But make no mistake: undermining the achievements that New York and other cities have made in combating crime and in creating islands of educational excellence will not help the poor and disadvantaged; it simply will drive the affluent—black, white, and brown—further away.

School Funding. Finally, the Times pushes the old saw that we don’t spend enough money educating the poor and disadvantaged; and it laments the financial disparities that exist between affluent and poor school districts.

These disparities are real, but the notion that they are responsible for differences in educational achievement is silly and simply not supported by the facts. As Reason Magazine’s Ron Baily reports, researchers at the National Bureau of Economic Research have found that

the gap in educational achievement between public school students in the bottom 10th economic status (SES) percentile and those in the top 90th SES percentile has remained essentially unchanged over the last 50 years.

[…]

The researchers note that these disappointing results occurred despite the fact that ‘overall school funding increased dramatically on a per-pupil basis, quadrupling in real dollars between 1960 and 2015.’ In addition, pupil-teacher ratios declined from 22.3 in 1970 to 16.1 in 2014.

In short, the problem is not money; the problem is the schools and the home environment of the students.

And this becomes especially obvious when you consider that many Catholic and public charter schools do a demonstrably better job educating poor and disadvantaged students and at a fraction of the cost of traditional public schools.

Choice and Competition. We absolutely need to create more opportunities for our fellow citizens who have failed to share or partake in our rising national affluence. And no doubt the COVID-19 pandemic makes this more difficult.

But ignoring politically inconvenient truths, as the New York Times does, makes this mission impossible. We need more choices, more competition, and freer and less fettered markets in housing and education. 

Feature photo credit: Getty Images via the Wall Street Journal.

Raheem Mostert’s Remarkable Story Shows Why We Love Professional Sports

Adam Kilgore’s wonderful profile of San Francisco ’49er running back Raheem Mostert, published in today’s Washington Post, reminds us again why we love professional sports:

Because the stories of the athletes can be so inspiring. Because the trials and tribulations that they endure and overcome can be so compelling.

And because we know that professional sports is a hard-fought and hard-won meritocracy, where only the strong survive—and where unheralded and overlooked underdogs can and do defy the odds, through sheer grit, perseverance, and determination.

Consider, for instance, the remarkable story of one Raheem Mostert. He

“entered the league out of Purdue after every team passed on him in the draft, signing as a free agent with the Eagles in 2015. The Philadelphia Eagles cut him after training camp… and signed him to their practice squad.

“The Miami Dolphins signed him, only to cut him a month later. He spent two months with the Baltimore Ravens and finished the season with the Cleveland Browns, who would cut him a week before the start of the 2016 season.

“After his rookie year,” Kilgore reports, “Mostert was unsure he could withstand the psychic toll of getting cut again. He talked with his wife about leaving football behind.

“She told me, ‘If you truly love this game, you’re going to do what you need to do,’ ” Mostert said. “That’s what I needed.”

“But his second season unfolded like his first. The New York Jets picked him up, only to cut him a week later. The Chicago Bears signed him, and Mostert lasted about two months before Chicago released him.”

In all, Kilgore notes,”six franchises waived Mostert before he stuck with the San Francisco 49ers. On some of those days, he did not believe he would make it in the NFL. On others, he considered quitting football…

“Not everybody can deal with that type of stress and pain and agony that I went through,” Mostert told Kilgore. ” I kept the faith in not only myself, but whoever gave me the opportunity.”

Since joining the ’49ers in 2016, no one had ever heard of Mostert. He spent the entire 2016 season minus the final game on the practice squad. He was placed on injured reserve for much of the 2017 and 2018 seasons and contributed little to the team. He was consigned to special teams, where he reportedly played well, but was still a bit player.

However, all of that began to change this season, as Mostert broke out in a big way, rushing for 772 yards on 137 carries. And, in the ’49ers’ resounding victory over the Green Bay Packers in Sunday’s NFC championship game, Mostert had a game for the ages, rushing for an incredible 220 yards on 29 carries while scoring four touchdowns.

To put that into perspective, only one player in NFL history has ever rushed for more yardage in a playoff game, and that player’s name is Eric Dickerson, who now resides in the NFL Hall of Fame.

“While Jimmy Garoppolo passed only eight times,” reports Kilgore, “Mostert exploded through holes, sprinted away from defensive backs, and bowled over defenders. Teammates admire his style—’fearless,’ left tackle Joe Staley said—and his story…

“He’s just earned everything,” ’49ers’ head coat Kyle Shanahan told reporters after Sunday’s win. “He earned today. He’s such a good person. I can’t say enough good about Raheem.”

“Mostert,” writes Kilgore, “called Sunday the happiest day of his life behind his wedding and the [June 22] birth of his son,” Gunnar Grey. And Mostert is especially grateful that he was able to hold Gunnar close and in his arms after Sunday’s spectacular performance and glorious win.

“That’s a moment I’m going to cherish forever,” Mostert said. “For him to be able to have that opportunity, be onstage with me after what I accomplished, after what I done been through, I can’t put it into words how it feels.”

Fortunately for us, Washington Post reporter Adam Kilgore has a way with words and has given us a strong sense of how it must feel.

I know how I feel after reading Kilgore’s profile: elevated and inspired. Motivated. Raheem Mostert was knocked down repeatedly; yet he never gave up. And his spirit of determination and ultimate triumph over adversity is what sports fans love about sports.

It is why we watch the game. And it is why we will be watching Sun., Feb. 2, when Mostert and his fellow ’49ers take on the Kansas City Chiefs in the Super Bowl. Mostert and his teammates are not yet done and neither are we.

The Critical Military Strategy to Stop Putin and Save Ukraine

Economic sanctions are not enough. Russians must be killed on a daily basis in a sustained insurgency financed and supported by America and NATO.

According to the Daily Mail, one prominent Russian official said yesterday that Vladimir Putin “doesn’t give a s**t” about the risk of Western economic sanctions if Russia invades Ukraine.

That official, Viktor Tatarintsev, Russia’s ambassador to Sweden, told the Aftonbladet newspaper: “The more the West pushes Russia, the stronger the Russian response will be.”

That’s probably true, especially since the economic sanctions that would hurt Russia’s ruling oligarchic elite the most are off the table.

Economic Sanctions. The West, for instance, could bar Russia from the global banking system by denying it access to SWIFT, the international network of financial institutions that underlie cross-border trade and investment worldwide.

Such a move would devastate the Russian economy, but also hurt the West Europeans, who depend on Russian gas and  commodities. Which is why, sadly, Russian SWIFT denial is off the table.

President Biden has unwisely ruled out the use of American ground troops in Ukraine. However, this doesn’t mean he necessarily has precluded any and all military options.

In fact, any deterrence strategy that is designed to stop Russian subjugation of Ukraine must have a military component. And that military component must be widely telegraphed and loudly trumpeted to have a full deterrent effect.

The West’s military strategy must be to maximize the number of invading Russians killed, maimed, and crippled on a daily basis over a period of years. To bleed Russia in an asymmetric war of attrition.

To wage a guerrilla war that saps the Russian will to fight and to occupy foreign lands. To send Russians home in body bags each and every day. To make their occupation of Ukraine, or any other free and independent state, a living hell.

This is eminently doable—especially with American military aid and assistance.

Russian, after all, was utterly incapable of subduing Afghanistan in the 1980s. American military aid to the Afghan mujahideen made the Russian occupation there untenable.

Too many Russian boys were coming home in body bags; and so, the Soviets gave up and abjectly withdrew. The price of occupation was too high; the cost too great.

A similar stiff-armed resistance to any Russian occupation would form in western Ukraine. Ukrainians there despise Putin’s Russia. They seek Ukrainian independence and to align their country with the West.

Ukrainian Insurgency. A “Russian invasion would be deeply unpopular and Kremlin forces would find themselves operating in a hostile environment ideal for asymmetric warfare,” writes Andriy Zagorodnyuk, a former Ukrainian minister of defense who left office in 2020.

In fact, armed and capable militias already exist in western Ukraine and would eagerly take the fight to the Russians. American military advisers should work with these militias and other remnants of the Ukrainian military, so that Ukraine can wage an effective guerrilla war against Russia.

Of course, no one expects Ukraine to  defeat Russia militarily, because it can’t. Ukraine is overmatched. But success in a guerrilla war depends on political success, not outright military victory.

Politically, Ukraine can win by ensuring that Russia pays a high, exorbitant, and ongoing price for invading and occupying their country.

The key to success lies in ensuring that, each and every day, Russians are killed, maimed, and crippled. The casualty and death toll matters, not battlefield victories.

Russia cannot sustain an unceasing daily death toll. Putin may be a dictator, but his legitimacy as the Russian ruler, and the legitimacy of his government, still requires popular acquiescence.

This acquiescence will quickly dissipate if Russians come home each and every day for months on end in body bags: dead, maimed, and crippled.

American Support. The good news is that, according to press reports, American Green Berets and other U.S. Special Forces have been working closely with their Ukrainian counterparts to prepare them for a guerrilla war against Russia.

The U.S. Sun reports:

Behind the scenes, several hundred US Green Beret special forces have been working with the Ukrainians to ensure Russia faces a bloodbath in the country.

The CIA has also been working on secret training that has taught the Ukrainians how “to kill Russians”, a former agency official has said.

And Ukrainian forces are already being equipped with anti-tank weapons by the UK, which guerrilla forces would use to create killing zones for massed Russian armoured forces.

“By combining serving military units with combat veterans, reservists, territorial defense units and large numbers of volunteers,”Zagorodnyuk writes,

Ukraine can create tens of thousands of small and highly mobile groups capable of attacking Russian forces. This will make it virtually impossible for the Kremlin to establish any kind of administration over occupied areas or secure its lines of supply.

Of course, the success of any Ukrainian insurgency depends in large measure on how much material support it receives from the United States and other NATO countries.

And the deterrent effect of any potential Ukrainian insurgency depends on how well that insurgency is trained and resourced, and how real or credible it appears to Putin and his generals.

The bottom line: the economic sanctions that America and NATO have conjured up likely will do little to stop or stymie Russian efforts to subjugate Ukraine.

But what might well cause Putin to say “nyet” is the possibility of a real and sustained insurgency financed and supported indefinitely by America and NATO.

We haven’t heard much about it, unfortunately; but let’s hope and pray that Putin and his generals have. It may be Ukraine’s only chance to retain its independence—and it may be Europe’s only chance for peace.

Feature photo credit: The U.S. Sun.

Biden’s Cabinet Picks and the Media’s Bastardization of ‘Diversity’

True diversity involves a diversity of thought and professional backgrounds, not a quota system for blacks, Hispanics, and women.

President-Elect Biden made his first cabinet appointments this week. These new officials will have vast legal authority to establish new policies on such contentious issues as immigration, trade, foreign policy, the budget, energy, et al.

Yet, to the media, what is most important about these new officials is not the policies that they espouse, but rather their racial, ethnic, and gender identity.

“Biden Will Nominate First Women to Lead Treasury and Intelligence, and First Latino to Run Homeland Security,” declares a headline in the New York Times.

“The racial and gender mix of the expected nominees also reflects Mr. Biden’s stated commitment to diversity, which has lagged notoriously in the worlds of foreign policy and national security,” says the Times.

Progressive Dog Whistles. Of course, “diversity” is a code word—or dog whistle, if you will—for racial, ethnic, and gender preferences.

The idea is that supposedly disadvantaged minority groups—principally blacks, Hispanics, and women—need to be favored in the hiring or selection process because they have been historically excluded or discriminated against.

These supposedly disadvantaged minorities, moreover, are said to bring a fresh or unique perspective, which needs to be heard in the workplace and in the corridors of power.

Of course, no one would dispute the importance of affirmative efforts to be inclusive and considerate of all Americans regardless of their race, ethnicity, or gender. However, it is unfair (and bigoted, quite frankly) to favor certain groups of people because of their race, ethnicity, and gender.

We ought to be color-blind and racially indifferent—as well as blind and indifferent to a person’s ethnicity and gender. These are, or at least ought to be, largely meaningless categorizations in the workplace and in the corridors of power.

After all: blacks, Hispanics, and women do not all think alike. Their views are as varied and multifaceted as any other group’s. So to speak of a “black perspective,” an “Hispanic perspective,” or a “woman’s perspective” is typically wrong and misguided.

And yet, the left has infused our culture and our politics with an unhealthy obsession over racial, ethnic, and gender identity—as if these categorizations are what matter most.

This obsession is also a disservice to the officials so categorized. It reduces them to cardboard cutout representatives of a group rather than individuals with minds of their own.

Indeed, as the Wall Street Journal Editorial Board points out in an editorial about “Mr. Biden’s nominee for Homeland Security Secretary, Alejandro Mayorkas, [and] Avril Haines, who will be director of national intelligence”:

Both deserve better than to be described as “the first Latino” to run DHS, or the “first woman” at DNI, as the press insisted on describing them. The media’s insipid preoccupation with identity politics obscures what’s important. How about what they think?

Exactly. True diversity involves a diversity of thought. Different policy views and professional backgrounds are what matter, not whether a cabinet official is black, Hispanic, or a woman.

Let’s put the focus where it belongs: on what Biden’s cabinet officials think and the policies they espouse.  That’s the discussion our nation needs and the debate the American people deserve.

Anything less is a disservice to those who serve.

Feature photo credit: Biden cabinet picks Alejandro Mayorkas (L), Janet Yellen (C), and Avril Haines (R) (Getty Images/Alamy, courtesy of the BBC).

Why Deploying the Active-Duty Military to America’s Cities Is a Reasonable Idea

The critics—including former Defense Secretary James Mattis—have it precisely backward: Deploying the U.S. military for domestic security missions is all about protecting our Constitutional rights and liberties.

There has been a lot of elite Sturm und Drang over President Trump’s announcement last week that he would deploy the active-duty military forces to restore “law and order” in American cities torn asunder by violent rioting and looting.

Eighty-nine former defense officials, for instance, have published a piece in the Washington Post saying they “are alarmed at how the president is betraying [his] oath [of office] by threatening to order members of the U.S. military to violate the rights of their fellow Americans.”

“President Trump has given governors a stark choice,” they insist: “either end the protests that continue to demand equal justice under our laws, or expect that he will send active-duty military units into their states.”

Of course, Trump does not express himself well. He is a poor communicator who often uses awkward terminology and cringe-inducing rhetoric.

But the idea that he wishes to employ the military to violate the Constitutional rights of peaceably assembling, law-abiding Americans is ludicrous. You have to be a blinkered anti-Trump zealot to believe that the president is somehow conspiring to use the military to squelch dissent.

There is absolutely no evidence for this fervid, far-fetched proposition. It reflects the lurid imaginations of anti-Trump partisans, not objective, empirical reality.

Averting Violence. The truth, in fact, is quite the opposite: the rationale for deploying active-duty military forces is precisely to protect the Constitutional rights of peaceably assembling Americans from what Sen. Tom Cotton has righty called “nihilist criminals and cadres of left-wing radicals like Antifa.”

These criminals and radicals, Cotton explains, have marred the protests with an “orgy of violence in the spirit of radical chic.”

This orgy of violence seems to have abated somewhat in the past couple of days; however, rioting and looting is still a real and omnipresent problem. Indeed, as the New York Post reports:

“Violence has been used multiple times during what could have been and what should have been peaceful protests,” [NYPD Commissioner Dermot] Shea said at a live-streamed press conference Thursday evening

[…]

There have been 292 members of the force who suffered injuries as some of the demonstrations have seen violent clashes, cops said.

As of June 3, according to the Forbes, at least 12 people have been killed and hundreds of others injured in the protests, including a black federal police officer in Oakland, California; a retired black police captain in St. Louis; and a former Indiana University football player and local business owner who is also black.

“Four police officers were shot in downtown St. Louis early Tuesday, [June 2, 2020], as a day of peaceful protests turned into a violent and destructive night in the city,” reports the St. Louis Post Dispatch.

In Las Vegas, reports the Daily Beast

an officer responding to a looting incident was reportedly shot in the head early Tuesday, [June 2, 2020], after exchanging gunfire with an angry mob, according to several Nevada news sources.

County Sheriff Joe Lombardo told the Las Vegas Review Journal that the officer survived. “He is in extremely critical condition on life support,” Lombardo said “This is a sad night for our LVMPD family and a tragic night for our community.”

Mad Dog Mattis. Yet, in the face of these facts—this incontrovertible empirical evidence—the former Secretary of Defense, James Mattis, declared:

We must not be distracted by a small number of lawbreakers. The protests are defined by tens of thousands of people of conscience who are insisting that we live up to our values—our values as people and our values as a nation.

With all due respect to Secretary Mattis, this is ludicrous and nonsensical. Of course we have to be “distracted” or concerned about the reportedly small number of lawbreakers wreaking havoc in our nation’s cities.

Why? Precisely because they threaten the safety and well-being of the “thousands of people of conscience” Mattis rightly says we need to protect.

Moreover, as Pat Buchanan observes

In Mattis’ statement, one finds not a word of sympathy or support for the police bearing the brunt of mob brutality for defending the communities they serve, while defending the constitutional right of the protesters to curse them as racist and rogue cops.

Trump Derangement Syndrome. I understand why Mattis doesn’t like Trump. His disdain for the president he once served is completely legitimate and understandable.

But Mattis’ failure to understand that violent thugs who threaten to kill the innocent need to be identified and stopped—and by deadly force if necessary—is wrong, inexcusable and unconscionable. Just because Trump proposes something doesn’t make it wrong, dangerous, and unconstitutional.

Too many people—including Mattis and the aforementioned 89 former defense officials—have allowed their disdain for Trump to cloud their judgment and analysis.

In truth, as Ross Douthat has explained, while Trump may well have authoritarian instincts,

real political authority, the power to rule and not just to survive, is something that Donald Trump conspicuously does not seem to want.

Executive Protection. Trump’s critics can and do point to one instance where it can be argued Trump may have tried to infringe upon the Constitutional rights of the protesters.

But that instance—outside of the White House, June 1, as Trump and his team walked to the historic St. John’s Episcopal Church, which had been attacked and burned the night before—is the exception that proves the rule.

Trump’s decision to walk to the church apparently was not well communicated to the Secret Service, U.S. Park Service, and other federal law enforcement agencies. These agencies had to act quickly, therefore, to ensure the president’s safety. And ensuring the president’s safety, remember, is their job.

As the Washington Examiner’s Tim Carney points out:

If Trump knew he was going to do this [walk from the White House to the church], he could have had the Secret Service set up the barricade further out before the evening protests got crowded. Then, there would have been no shoving or smoke grenades needed.

Instead, as WUSA 9 reports, “pepper balls and smoke canisters, which irritate the eyes and throat and cause coughing, [were used] to disperse the protesters.”

This is unfortunate. But given the circumstances—the need to ensure the president’s safety at a time when violent riots and looting were taking place nationwide, and police and innocent bystanders were being killed as a result—these actions are understandable and hardly constitute a gratuitous assault on First Amendment rights.

Indeed, the incident resulted from a lack of planning and coordination, and not because of any Machiavellian plot to betray the Constitution.

Historical Precedent. In truth, as even the 89 aforementioned defense officials acknowledge: “several past presidents have called on our armed services to provide additional aid to law enforcement in times of national crisis—among them Ulysses S. Grant, Dwight D. Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, and Lyndon B. Johnson.”

Eisenhower, Cotton notes, federalized the the Arkansas National Guard and called in the 101st Airborne Division to protect the civil rights of black school children during a time of integration.

Were the active-duty military to be deployed domestically to American cities torn asunder by violent rioting and looting, they would, likewise, be protecting basic civil rights—namely, the Constitutionally protected right to peaceably assemble without fear of bodily harm, injury or death.

That is a wholly legitimate use of the Armed Forces of the United States.

It won’t happen. Trump already has ordered the National Guard to leave Washington, D.C.; the states and mayors don’t want active-duty military units; and the protests seem to have turned more peaceful and less violent in recent days.

Plus: there may well be prudential and political arguments against using active-duty military units to restore peace, safety and the rule of law to America’s cities. However, the notion that doing so is an unprecedented attack on Constitutional liberties is simply absurd and completely untrue.

Active-Duty Military. Some critics, such as Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Florida), complain that the active-duty military is untrained and unprepared for law enforcement work; but this, too, is untrue. 

In fact, we have military police units that are specifically trained to perform law enforcement functions, including riot and crowd control. The idea that U.S military personnel are trained only to shoot and kill is not something that anyone familiar with the U.S. military would ever say or suggest.

It’s certainly not something that anyone familiar with the U.S. military mission in Kosovo (1990’s), Iraq or Afghanistan (2000’s) would every say or suggest, since these missions involved peacekeeping, stability and law enforcement operations to a very considerable extent.

The bottom line: use of the U.S. military to safeguard important Constitutional rights is not some lunatic-fringe idea that poses an inherent threat to American democracy.

To the contrary: there is ample historical precedent for this idea, and it can be wise public policy. The U.S. military is trained, ready and prepared for such a mission regardless of who is president.

Donald Trump has nothing to do with it.

Feature photo creditPolice Chief magazine.

Why Is Russia Now Threatening Ukraine?

Biden’s weakness gave license to Putin’s aggression.

When, last August, Joe Biden abjectly surrendered Afghanistan to the Taliban, he and his administration  said this was necessary because the United States has no strategic interests there and must pivot, instead, to confront a rising China.

Never mind that, as William Lloyd Stearman points out, Bagram Air Base is strategically located “about 400 miles west of China and 500 miles east of Iran.” This, Stearman writes, is obviously “a good place to have American assets.”

U.S. Surrender in Afghanistan. Nonetheless, the President opted to withdraw all U.S. troops from Afghanistan and abandon Bagram to the Taliban. Mr. Biden pretended that his decision to surrender would not have deleterious and far-reaching strategic consequences.

Russia’s Vladimir Putin has proven Joe Biden wrong. The Russian dictator has amassed more than 100,000 troops and advanced military equipment along the Russian-Ukraine border, while demanding hegemonic control over Ukraine and other neighboring countries.

“We are concerned,” says White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki, “that the Russian government is preparing for an invasion in Ukraine that may result in widespread human rights violations and war crimes should diplomacy fail to meet their objectives.”

Indeed, not since Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait in 1990 has the world seen such a brazen assault on  the sovereignty and territorial integrity of an independent nation-state.

Why now? Because Putin has taken the measure of Joe Biden and realizes that our President is unwilling to protect the American national interest in Afghanistan or Europe.

In fact, Biden has pledged not to deploy U.S. ground troops or military advisers to Ukraine, and he has been reticent to arm the Ukrainian military for fear of provoking Putin.

As Bret Stephens observes, Putin and other anti-American dictators watched the American debacle in Afghanistan and concluded that “the United States is a feckless power.

“The current Ukraine crisis,” Stephens writes, “is as much the child of Biden’s Afghanistan debacle as the last Ukraine crisis [in 2014] was the child of Obama’s Syria debacle.”

In short, weakness is provocative. Weakness begets aggression. Weakness courts disaster. And weakness can have deleterious strategic consequences as we are now learning in Ukraine.

Featured photo credit: Joe Bidden and Vladimir Putin, courtesy of Fox News.

Why Kamala Harris Won’t Select PA Gov. Josh Shapiro as Her VP

Shapiro’s Jewish and pro-Israel, and for a critical mass of Democrats today, that’s disqualifying.

Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro is one of the greatest political talents in America today, and he would be the strongest vice presidential nominee for Kamala Harris and the Democratic Party.

Shapiro is a popular and successful governor 18 months into his first term from a critical battleground state, Pennsylvania, that Harris almost certainly must win if she is to win the White House.

Yet, it is beyond certain that Harris will not select Shapiro. Why? Because he’s Jewish, pro-Israel, and has been critical of the pro-Hamas, Jew-hating protests that have rocked some American universities and municipalities ever since the October 7, 2023, massacre of Jews in Israel by invading Palestinian terrorists.

The Democrats’ Divide. As New York Times columnist Michelle Goldberg points out, the Democratic Party today is divided between more traditional Democrats who support Israel and more radical, “progressive” Democrats who do not.

“Choosing Shapiro,” she warns, “who is ardently pro-Israel and outspoken in his condemnation of the recent campus protests, would rip those wounds open again.”

CNN’s John King made a similar point when he noted that choosing Shapiro would pose “some risk” to Harris and the Democrats. King did not elaborate or explain what the risk would be, but it is not hard to figure out.

As a pro-Israeli Jew, Shapiro could cost Harris votes in Michigan, another critical battleground state that she needs to win. Michigan is home to a large Muslim immigrant population; and, in these communities, there is, sadly,  a lot of Jew hatred.

Their Political Calculation. So, the obvious question is: would Shapiro cost Harris more votes in Michigan than he might gain her there and in other swing states? And is the electoral vote balance more likely than not to be favorable to the Harris if he is the VP nominee?

Moreover, the energy and passion in the Democratic Party, certainly since October 7, is on the pro-Hamas, Jew-hating left. Does nominating Shapiro as VP dampen or extinguish this passion and energy, which Kamala needs for a close, hard-fought campaign?

The hard and difficult truth is that Jew-hating anti-Semites are now an important constituency and activist base within the Democratic Party. Democrats are wary of alienating this constituency because they need its votes and its political activism during the election season.

Congressional Appeasement. Domestic political concerns certainly explain why more than 50 House and Senate Democrats—including Vice President Harris in her Constitutional role as president of the Senate—plan to boycott Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s speech to Congress tomorrow.

Elected Democrats are eager to signal to their anti-Israel, Jew-hating base that they, too, are frustrated and angry with Israel because of its war in Gaza.

Appeasing bigots, of course, is nothing new for the Democratic Party. Democrats did the same thing in the middle of the 20th Century, when the accommodated racists and segregationists as an integral part of their New Deal and Great Society political coalition.

No to Shapiro. So although Shapiro no doubt would appeal to swing voters, independents, and even some Republicans in Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, he is too politically toxic for core Democratic constituencies and voting groups—namely, the hard, “progressive” left, which despises Israel, and the Jew-hating anti-Semitic left, which despises Jews.

Will this change over time? Maybe, but maybe not.

What is certain is that, in 2024, Shapiro has no future in the Democratic Party. He will have to wait at least four years (and probably longer) before Democrats will ever consider him for national political office. His selection as VP ain’t happening this time around, in 2024.

Feature photo credit: Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro, courtesy of the Palm Beach Post (Kathryne Rubright).

Biden’s Meek Response Jeopardizes the Safety of Supreme Court Justices

To prevent a violent calamity, the President needs to demand that thuggish left-wing protesters stand down or be prosecuted.

If one or more of our Supreme Court Justices is attacked, injured, or God-forbid, assassinated, it will be because President Biden, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, and Congressional Democrats failed to forthrightly condemn, while sometimes implicitly encouraging, the thuggish behavior of “progressive” agitators, who have targeted the Court’s conservative justices for harassment and intimidation.

That may sound harsh and hyperbolic, but unfortunately—and alarmingly—it is true.

As we noted yesterday, far-left radicals have published the home addresses of six “extremist justices” whom they have placed in their political crosshairs. And Biden, Pelosi, and Schumer have raised nary a peep of concern, let alone outrage and condemnation.

Meek Words. Oh, to be sure, after being criticized for not condemning the thuggish protesters, Biden finally and belatedly sent out his press secretary, Jen Paski, to issue a meek, pro forma call  for “peaceful protests.”

But as The Dispatch’s Stephens Hayes points out, this was a box-checking exercise— “putting out a statement to put out a statement.” Notably absent was a clear, full-throated denunciation of the agitators’ intimations of threats and violence.

And make no mistake: that’s what we’re dealing with. As National Review’s Rich Lowry observes:

These weren’t run-of-the-mill protests. No one doubts that demonstrations have an important role in showing popular support for, or passion around, a given cause. No, these protests were—and were meant to be—threatening.

There’s no reason to go to the homes of the justices unless it is to send the message that people outraged by their prospective decision know where they and their families live. In other words, to the justice who dares say that Roe and Casey have no constitutional basis: Beware.

“We hate to say this,” warns the Wall Street Journal Editorial Board, “but some abortion fanatic could decide to commit an act of violence to stop a 5-4 ruling. It’s an awful thought, but we live in fanatical times.”

Political Violence. Indeed, and that’s what makes these threats so ominous and real: that, in recent years, we have seen venomous leftists violently assault Constitutional officeholders.

Senator Rand Paul (R-Kentucky), for instance, was badly beaten up outside of his home in a wholly unprovoked, violent assault by an angry left-wing partisan. Rep. Steve Scalise (R-Louisiana) suffered life-threatening injuries during a Congressional baseball game after a man with a pathological hatred of Republicans opened fire on him and other GOP lawmakers.

The Senate, consequently, has approved a measure that provides security for the families of all nine justices. “The risk is real,” Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) told CBS News.

Yet instead of recognizing this risk and confronting this threat, Speaker Pelosi has championed the thuggish protesters for “channel[ing] their righteous anger into meaningful action: [by] planning to march and mobilize and make their voices heard.

This is the same Nancy Pelosi who has hyperventilated incessantly about the “threat to our democracy” from the “January 6 insurrection.”

The January 6 riot was bad and President Trump should ave been been impeached and convicted because of it, but it was no insurrection, and our democracy was never in jeopardy.

The legitimacy of the Supreme Court, by contrast, is being viciously attacked and, as a result, the lives of several Supreme Court justices are now in jeopardy.

President Biden needs to step up and speak out before it’s too late—before some left-wing goon decides to take it upon himself to “save democracy” from five or six “extremist justices.”

Speaking out against these fascist agitators is the right thing to do—especially for a president who promised, in his Inaugural Address, to bring us together to “fight the common foes we face: anger, resentment, hatred, extremism, lawlessness, violence…

“I ask every American to join me in this cause,” Mr. Biden declared, because “we have learned again that democracy is precious. Democracy is fragile.”

Yes, it is. Which is why, at this particular moment in our nation’s history, we need presidential leadership: to help avert a violent calamity that would destroy the people’s faith in our institutions and rub raw the wounds of division.

Yet the President is missing in action. If Mr. Biden meant what he said in his Inaugural Address, then he will speak out now—clearly, forcefully, and with conviction—and insist that the thuggish left-wing agitators stand down or be prosecuted.

History is calling and the fate of our democracy is at stake.

Feature photo credit: Screenshot of radical agitators protesting outside the home of Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh, courtesy of a tweet from Douglas K. Blair.

Biden Is Getting Undeserved Credit for Ukraine

By needlessly withholding from Ukraine crucial and much-needed weapon systems, Biden is prolonging the war and perpetuating the suffering of innocent Ukrainian civilians targeted by the Russian war machine.

President Biden is getting unwarranted credit for navigating between two dangerous and alternate policy options in Ukraine: diplomatic appeasement or military escalation, betray Ukraine or risk a wider-scale war with Russia, accommodate Putin or give in to Zelensky.

“The Biden administration has tried to strike a balance between strong military support for Ukraine and avoiding anything that might trigger a direct Russian-American conflict,” reports Washington Post foreign policy columnist David Ignatius.

But this is attempt to strike a balance is utterly misguided because there is no reason to think that more robust U.S. military aid would somehow “provoke Putin” into a suicidal attack on the United States or NATO.

In the meantime, the absence of critical weapon systems in the hands of the Ukrainians serves only to prolong the war and the suffering.

Nuclear Weapons. In truth, it is Vladimir Putin and Russia that have every reason to fear a wider-scale war with the West, given that they are vastly outmatched, militarily and economically, by the United States and NATO.

And Russian nuclear weapons do not change or alter this overwhelming, one-sided imbalance.

Nuclear weapons obviously can inflict horrific civilian and collateral damage, but they are not a military game-changer in Ukraine; far from it. And, diplomatically, Putin’s use of nukes would be the ultimate act of self-sabotage.

“He would lose his Chinese patrons; he would terrify his own population; and he would plunge his country into economic isolation of cryogenic ferocity,” explains former British Prime Minister Boris Johnson.

For these reasons, the risk of nuclear war, or “World War III,” has been vastly exaggerated by the president and his media cheerleaders to make Biden administration policy choices seem better and wiser than they actually are.

As Johnson points out: a nuclear war “isn’t going to happen. We should stop talking about it,” because it serves only to promote Russian fear-mongering.

Russia’s “constant, repetitive nuclear signaling, which long predates the current war,” writes Anne Applebaum, “has a purpose: to make NATO countries afraid to defend Poland, afraid to defend Ukraine, and afraid to provoke or anger Russia in any way at all.”

“The off-and-on talk coming out of Moscow about using nuclear weapons is largely just that—talk,” add Eric S. Edelman and David J. Kramer. “It is consistent with long-standing Russian ideas of ‘reflexive control’ and is meant to deter the West from providing further assistance to Ukraine.”

America Deterred. Unfortunately, loose Russian talk about “nuclear war” has succeeded in deterring the Biden administration from providing Ukraine with more advanced weapon systems that would hasten the end of the war and relieve the suffering of innocent Ukrainian civilians.

The United States, for instance, refuses to provide Ukraine with ATACMS, the Army Tactical Missile System, that would allow Ukraine to strike much deeper into Russian tactical formations, but at a safer standoff distance.

“The Ukrainians need longer-range weapons,” notes Max Boot. The High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS) that they now have has a range of about 45 miles versus 190 miles for ATACMS.

“Why no airplanes?  Why no advanced tanks?” asks Applebaum. “Because the White House, the German government, and other governments are afraid that one of these weapons would cross an invisible red line and inspire a nuclear retaliation by Russia.”

Misplaced Western fear, she adds, “also shapes tactics.

Why don’t the Ukrainians more often target the military bases or infrastructure on Russian territory that are being used to attack them? Because Ukraine’s Western partners have asked its leaders not to do so, for fear, again, of escalation.

But again, this fear is misplaced given the correlation of forces between Russia and NATO.

What the president should fear is that if the war drags on because of his reticence to fully arm Ukraine, popular support in the West will dissipate and more innocent Ukrainians will be killed as a result.

“I’ve just spent a fascinating few days in Ukraine,” tweets Luke Coffey.

The Ukrainians will win. How long this victory takes will be decided by USA. The sooner we give Ukraine long-range fires, more 155mm rounds, main battle tanks and F-16s, the faster the war will be over.

The bottom line: President Biden deserves credit for supporting Ukraine militarily, but not for withholding crucial weapon systems because he fears “provoking Putin” and starting “World War III.”

These fears never made any sense and they are needlessly prolonging the war and the suffering of innocent Ukrainians. The sooner Ukraine wins the war by reclaiming all of its lost territory, including Crimea, the better off all nations will be.

President Biden can ensure that this happens by fully arming Ukraine. Now.

Feature photo credit: Presidents Biden and Zelensky, courtesy of Maldives News Network.

The Presidential Politics of Biden’s Aversion to Winning in Ukraine and Gaza

George H. W. Bush lost the White House in 1992. Biden’s foreign policy failures are setting him up for a similar election day defeat.

At the 1992 Democratic National Convention, then-Georgia Governor Zell Miller derided President George H.W. Bush as a man who “talks like Dirty Harry but acts like Barney Fife.”

It was a cheap shot and an unfair characterization of President Bush, who had masterfully orchestrated the peaceful dissolution of the Soviet Union, the liberation of Eastern Europe, and the destruction of the Iraqi Army in Kuwait.

Nonetheless, this colorful charge had political resonance and it helped to sink Bush in the 1992 presidential election, which he lost to Bill Clinton.

But while the charge was unwarranted when leveled against Bush in 1992, it is justified when leveled against Joe Biden in 2024. Biden talks a good game, but lacks policy follow-through. He talks the talk, but doesn’t walk the walk.

Biden’s policy toward Ukraine and Israel are illustrative examples. Biden talks about the importance of “standing with Ukraine” and “supporting Israel.” He champions the transatlantic alliance.

While commemorating the 80th anniversary of the Normandy invasion, for instance, Biden warned:

Democracy is more at risk across the world than at any point since the end of the World War Two—since these beaches were stormed in 1944.

Now, we have to ask ourselves: Will we stand against tyranny, against evil, against crushing brutality of the iron fist?”

Will we stand for freedom? Will we defend democracy? Will we stand together?

Unfortunately, Biden’s actions don’t match his rhetoric. During World War II, what distinguished the transatlantic alliance was its commitment to winning the war and defeating the Axis powers.

Standing with our allies for freedom was a means to an end, not an end in itself. Yet for Biden, the means (standing with our allies) appears to be the end that he seeks, and winning is never mentioned or really pursued.

In short, Biden lacks the courage of his supposed (rhetorical) convictions. The policy result: self-deterrence and half-measures that undermine our allies, weaken our alliances, and embolden our enemies.

In Ukraine, for instance, Biden has steadfastly refused to allow Ukraine to use American long-range weapon systems, the Army Tactical Missile System (ATAMS), to strike Russian targets within Russia. This has given Russia a coveted sanctuary, or safe base of operations, from which they have repeatedly struck Ukraine civilian and military targets.

Recently, Biden finally and belatedly relented, somewhat. He has allowed Ukraine to strike a very limited number of Russian military sanctuaries within Russia. However, he did this only after the Ukrainian military risked being overrun and forced to cede significant territory, cities and population centers to Russia.

Even today, the Institute for the Study of War notes that Biden’s policy change “has reduced the size of Russia’s ground sanctuary by only 16 percent at maximum.” In other words, 84 percent of Russian sanctuaries remain off limits to the Ukrainian military.

Israel, too, has seen its hands tied by Biden, who has threatened to withhold military assistance if Israel pushes too far too fast in its effort to destroy Hamas. Biden has sought a diplomatic solution to the conflict that will appease both Israel and Hamas.

But as Matthew Continetti points out:

The war in Gaza won’t end with another ceasefire or food package or humanitarian pier. The war will end when Israel completes its task of destroying Hamas as a military force… America’s role in this task is to help our ally Israel by supplying military aid and assistance…

The problem with Biden’s aversion to winning in Ukraine and Gaza is that it is prolonging these horrific conflicts and giving America’s enemies, Russia and Hamas, reason to think they can win by outlasting us.

China and Iran, meanwhile, are watching and taking note. Does the United States lack the will to win? Will it tire of the fight? Is it a dependable ally? How committed is it, really, to the so-called rules based international order? Can it be forced to back down if bloodied?

Unfortunately, because of Biden’s weak and tepid foreign policy—because of his reluctance to articulate and implement a winning strategy in both Ukraine and Gaza—the answers to these questions are not reassuring. Deterrence is failing and Biden is courting further war and conflict as a result.

The president needs to take a page from his hero, Franklin D. Roosevelt, who committed himself to the “unconditional surrender” of Germany and Japan during World War II.

Only by winning in Ukraine and Gaza can Biden win reelection in 2024. Otherwise, like President Bush in 1992, he’s going down.

Feature photo credit: Presidents George H. W. Bush and Joe Biden, courtesy of the White House and PBS, respectively.