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Only the Private Sector Can Deliver the Ventilators NY Gov. Cuomo Says He Needs to Combat the Coronavirus

The severe shortage of ventilators in the United States to cope with the anticipated wave of coronavirus patients who will require them illustrates what government can and cannot do—or at least should and should not do.

The government should plan and prepare for likely or predicted pandemics and other potential mass-scale medical emergencies by ensuring that hospitals and healthcare providers have the necessary supplies and equipment that they need to treat and care for patients.

I say likely or predicted pandemics because we obviously cannot anticipate every possible medical emergency. And it is not practical, feasible, or economical to prepare for everything that might happen, no matter how unlikely or remote.

But the truth is: the coronavirus is a pandemic that we were warned was coming, and which our elected representatives should have anticipated and prepared to combat. As NBC News’ Ken Dilanian reports:

For years, American intelligence agencies have been warning about the increasing risks of a global pandemic that could strain resources and damage the global economy, while observing that the frequency and diversity of global disease outbreaks has been rising.

In a worldwide threats assessment in 2018 and 2017, intelligence analysts even mentioned a close cousin of the current COVID-19 strain of coronavirus by name, saying it had “pandemic potential” if it were “to acquire efficient human-to-human transmissibility.”

For this reason, writes Betsy McCaughey in the New York Post, a New York State task force found, in 2015, that the state had “16,000 fewer ventilators than the 18,000 New Yorkers would need in a severe pandemic.”

Yet, state officials decided not to buy these 16,000 ventilators. The governor of New York at the time: Democrat Andrew Cuomo.

Ventilators. This is the same Andrew Cuomo who has been eloquent about his state’s need for 30,000 ventilators. Otherwise, he warns, hospitals in New York risk being overwhelmed with coronavirus patients.

And, if that happens (as it already has happened in Italy), hospitals and physicians will be forced to make heart-wrenching decisions about who gets a ventilator and who does not—meaning who gets to live and who does not.

Of course, it never should have come to this. State officials like Cuomo should have heeded the warnings of public health experts years ago and prepared for this foreseeable and predicted pandemic.

But we are where we are. What, then, is to be done?

Unfortunately, there are no quick and simple solutions. It takes time and money to manufacture ventilators, and, as Cuomo himself admits:

You can’t find available ventilators no matter how much you’re willing to pay right now, because there is literally a global run on ventilators.

For this reason, Cuomo and his left-wing allies in the media and in Congress want the federal government to provide the ventilators; and they fault Trump for allegedly not using the full powers of the presidency to make it happen.

They specifically fault Trump for supposedly failing to invoke the Defense Production Act to manufacture ventilators.

“I do not understand the reluctance to use the federal Defense Production Act to manufacture ventilators,” Cuomo tweeted. “If not now, when?”

But as the Wall Street Journal points out, Trump already has invoked the 1950 Defense Production Act

that lets a President, during a national emergency, order business to manufacture products for national defense, set wage and price controls, and allocate materials.

On Tuesday the Federal Emergency Management Agency used the Korean War-era law for the first time in this crisis to procure and distribute testing kits and face masks…

[But] businesses know their workforce capacities and supply chains better than the government—and how to retool them to maximize efficiency…

Ford said on Tuesday that it would start assembling plastic face shields and work with 3M and GE to make respirators and ventilators.

General Motors is also exploring how to use its global automotive supply chain to make ventilators.

Ford’s CEO said its ventilators could be available by June, and it isn’t obvious that a government takeover of manufacturing would speed this up,

In short, having the government order or mandate something doesn’t magically make it happen. If that were the case, the Soviet Union would have won the Cold War and we’d all be speaking Russian.

Private-sector companies and manufacturers, moreover, already are stepping up in a big way to provide ventilators, masks, gowns, nose swabs, and other critical health gear and equipment needed to combat the coronavirus. And the Trump administration is watching and prodding them as best it can.

Private Sector. Cuomo says that “only the federal government has the power to deliver” the ventilators. But this is nonsense and shows how little Cuomo knows. In truth, only the private sector has the power to deliver—and it will if the government lets it.

Indeed, contra Cuomo, what is needed is not nationalization of the medical supply chain, but rather deregulation of the medical supply chain. This so that private sector companies are free to innovate and rapidly produce the supplies and equipment that our healthcare professionals need.

And, on that score, there is some good news. Reason magazine’s Scott Shackford reports 

The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) is easing up on some regulations so that ventilators can be manufactured and implemented more quickly to respond to the spread of COVID-19.

In new guidance issued on Monday, the FDA said that it will practice “enforcement discretion” by allowing manufacturers of ventilators to allow for some modifications of hardware, software, and materials.

This allows manufacturers more flexibility in response to supply shortages that could keep them from ramping up production.

The new guidance will also allow for the quicker addition of new production lines and alternative production locations.

[In other words], if other companies that have space to install production lines of their own (GM, for example, has offered unused space in its shuttered plants) those companies are free to do so. 

In short, Cuomo has identified a real problem that he had it in his power to address years ago. However, he lacked the foresight and wisdom to do so. Thus he now urges the federal government to act. But he misdiagnoses the problem, and his recommend cure is no cure at all.

The best thing the government can do is to identify early on big issues and problems that need to be addressed, and then leave the private sector free to experiment and innovate its way toward a solution.

They know, far more than the state bureaucracy, what must be done to get us out of our logjam.

In the meantime, let us hope and pray that the entrepreneurs and the captains of industry can act quickly enough to ensure that, in the weeks and months to come, no American who needs a ventilator is denied a ventilator.

Feature photo credit: Associated Press via Salon.

Hugh Hewitt: the Pundit as Political Teammate and How This Distorts the News

“I believe, by the way, Donald Trump has become the president we need at exactly the moment that his skill set is most called for.”

—Hugh Hewitt, conservative radio host and highly sophisticated Trump apologist, Mar. 19, 2020

No, this is not a parody, and Hewitt wasn’t being sarcastic or snarky. He said this in all seriousness. The question is: why? Hewitt, after all, is not a stupid man. To the contrary: he’s very bright—and he may be the best talk radio host in America.

A Harvard grad, Hewitt is an attorney and a fairly prolific author. He surely understands that Trump is the most incapable and unfit president in all of American history.

In fact, during the 2016 Republican primary race, Hewitt exposed Trump’s utter ignorance with some very basic foreign policy questions that Trump simply could not answer.

Why, then, does Hewitt insist on being such a dishonest shill and apologist for Trump?

Conservative Policy Achievements. No doubt because, like me—and like many conservatives—he is grateful for much of what the Trump administration (as opposed to Trump himself) has done.

There are, after all, Trump’s two supreme court justices, the 44 Circuit Court judges, and 112 District Court judges—almost all of whom are solid, well-credentialed originalists vetted and approved by the Federalist Society. 

Given the outsized role that the courts and the judiciary regrettably now play in American life, this is a critical achievement, which will far outlive Trump and his administration. And it is something all conservatives deeply appreciate.

Then, too, there is corporate tax and regulatory reform, which, at least before the coronavirus, made American businesses far more competitive internationally, while fueling sustained economic growth and record-low unemployment.

Trump also ended sequestration, which had been devastating to U.S. military readiness. And he wisely withdrew from the Iranian nuclear deal, because it would have enabled Iran to become a nuclear-armed power. 

Of course, there are many things that Trump has done which, as a conservative, I do not like. His Syrian withdrawal and abandonment of the Kurds, for instance, was strategically unwise and morally reprehensible

His inability to build international alliances, likewise, has seriously handicapped our nation’s ability to shape the world order in ways that truly put America, and American interests, first

And Trump’s heavy-handed, bull-in-a-china-shop approach to trade and tariffs has been a self-inflicted wound that has weakened economic growth at home, while being mostly ineffective at bringing the Chinese to heel.

Still, I will acknowledge that Trump has done enough, arguably, to warrant conservative support. So I don’t begrudge or criticize Hewitt for supporting the president.

Instead, what I find quite objectionable is Hewitt’s dishonesty in supporting Trump.

Dishonesty. It is one thing, after all, to support Trump administration policies (as I largely do, albeit with some significant exceptions), while forthrightly and honestly acknowledging Trump’s myriad character flaws and objectionable behavior (as I also do).

It is another thing altogether, though, to support Trump administration policies while denying Trump’s obvious flaws and objectionable behavior, which is what Hewitt does.

And in fact, Hewitt does much worse than that. Not only does he refuse to acknowledge Trump’s all-too-egregious missteps and misdeeds; he also actually insists (as the aforementioned quote at the top of this posts indicates) that Trump is doing a great job!

This is simply dishonest, as Hewitt surely knows.

But Hewitt, like many pundits and commentators today, left and right, rationalizes his dishonesty because he views himself as a member of a team.

Political Teams. Hewitt sees himself as  a member of the center-right, GOP team. Therefore, in his mind, he must behave like a good trial attorney and mount a vigorous and unyielding defense of his “client”—Trump specifically and the GOP more generally.

Thus Hewitt doesn’t see himself as being dishonest. Instead, he sees himself as a good and loyal teammate putting forth the best defense that he possibly can for his client.

Unfortunately Hewitt is not alone.The way he sees himself is how a great many pundits and commentators today, left and right, see themselves: as coaches and teammates for whom team loyalty is the highest virtue.

That’s not how I see myself. And it is not the guiding inspiration behind this website, ResCon1. Although I am proudly and unabashedly conservative, I am not a member of any team.

Instead, I am an army of one. Thus I call it like it I see it, regardless of the political consequences, and let the chips fall where they may. 

I think the quality of our political commentary would improve immeasurably if that is how most pundits and commentators approached their work. At the very least, it would mean more honest and truthful political commentary.

But alas, we live in highly polarized times in which everyone feels a need to pick a side and fiercely defend their side—no matter what: because the other side is too dangerous to trust with the reins of political power.

Truth. I get it, but that still doesn’t make it right—or wise. “And ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free (John 8:32).” Good advice then; good advice today—for both readers and pundits.

In the meantime, consider the source, as they say. Consider the source of your news. Understand the biases and prejudices of reporters and pundits, and what motivates them.

Are they committed to the truth, to an ideological agenda, or to a political team? Are they politically and philosophically aware and informed? Or are they, instead, the product of a cloistered educational system that has shielded them from important schools of thought?

Because all of this matters, and in ways you might not fully realize. Just ask—or listen to—Hugh Hewitt.

Feature photo credit: NBC News via the Philadelphia Inquirer.

Trump’s Affinity for China’s Dictator, Xi Jinping, Made Him Blind to the Coronavirus

Much has been made of Trump’s affinity for foreign dictators and strong men—how Trump seems to like them personally and to view them as friends and kindred spirits with whom he has “a great relationship.”

We’ll leave it to the shrinks and psychiatrists to figure that one out. But whatever the motivation, Trump’s affinity for foreign dictators and strong men is a real problem: It perverts the policy-making process and makes him blind to real and pressing problems and gathering threats.

Unfortunately, the coronavirus is a case in point. The Washington Post reports that, in early January, U.S. intelligence agencies began warning Trump of the danger poised by the outbreak of the coronavirus in Wuhan, China.

Trump, though, didn’t want to hear it and dismissed the threat as exaggerated and misplaced.

The reason: his “friend,” Chinese dictator Xi Jinping, was telling him not to worry. And Trump seems to have placed greater stock in what Xi was telling him than in what he was hearing from U.S. intelligence agencies.

The Post’s Shane Harris, Greg Miller, Josh Dawsey, and Ellen Nakashima report:

[In early February], Robert Kadlec, the assistant secretary for preparedness and response—who was joined by intelligence officials, including from the CIA—told [Senate Intelligence] committee members that the virus posed a “serious” threat, one of those officials said.

Kadlec didn’t provide specific recommendations, but he said that to get ahead of the virus and blunt its effects, Americans would need to take actions that could disrupt their daily lives, the official said. “It was very alarming.”

Trump’s insistence on the contrary seemed to rest in his relationship with China’s President Xi Jinping, whom Trump believed was providing him with reliable information about how the virus was spreading in China—despite reports from intelligence agencies that Chinese officials were not being candid about the true scale of the crisis.

Some of Trump’s advisers told him that Beijing was not providing accurate numbers of people who were infected or who had died, according to administration officials. Rather than press China to be more forthcoming, Trump publicly praised its response.

“China has been working very hard to contain the Coronavirus,” Trump tweeted Jan. 24. “The United States greatly appreciates their efforts and transparency. It will all work out well. In particular, on behalf of the American People, I want to thank President Xi!”

Unfortunately, this was not the only instance of Trump broadcasting his cluelessness and gullibility for all the world to see. Here are some other gems:

Half Measures. Trump and his apologists make much of the fact that, on Jan. 31, he banned most foreigners who had recently visited China from entering the United States.

But in truth, this was a modest, half measure that did little to arrest the virus’ spread because of the lack of rapid and comprehensive testing to identify, isolate and contain the virus in the United States.

Why didn’t Trump push for rapid and comprehensive testing? The public record and reputable newspaper reporting all point to one reason: because Trump believed his “friend,” Xi: that it will all work out well.

And besides: Trump worried that focusing too much on the coronavirus would spook traders and cause a downturn in the stock market.

Yet, as recently as yesterday, during a press conference, Trump professed ignorance about what was happening inside of China— even though his own intelligence advisers had been telling him for weeks what was happening there.

Trump, moreover, was still sucking up to his “friend,” Xi:

I have great respect for China. I like China. I think the people of China are incredible. I have a tremendous relationship with Xi. I wish they could have told us earlier about what was happening inside. We didn’t know about it until it started coming out publicly.

Balderdash! Trump obviously knew about the coronavirus and its rapid spread in Wuhan, China . And if he didn’t know, it was only because he chose to ignore his own intelligence advisers and to remain willfully ignorant.

Either way, Trump has been derelict in his duty and is unfit to lead. If he were a better man, he long ago would have resigned in disgrace. The problem is that Trump knows no embarrassment and no shame.

Feature photo credit: Thomas Peter/Getty Images in Politico.

The Coronavirus Shows That Free-Markets and the Profit Motive Are Required to Safeguard the Public Health

Democrats want to give the government more control over our healthcare system. Our experience with the coronavirus shows that this would be a big and costly mistake.

Does the coronavirus show that we need a bigger and more dominant government that assumes greater decision-making authority over “unfettered market processes”?

That’s what left-wing journalists, academics, and politicians argue. They say the coronavirus shows that free markets are incapable of addressing a public health crisis. Thus, in their view, to protect the health and well-being of the public, the federal government must play a more dominant role vis-à-vis the private sector.

As Columbia University political theory professor Jean Cohen told The Atlantic: “If you want to  serve the public good instead of private profit making, you need government to come in and make sure that’s done.”

But the notion that “private profit making” and “the public good” are two separate and distinct things which necessarily are opposed to each other is ludicrous and in defiance of commonsense and all empirical evidence.

Profit Motive. In truth, the profit motive is precisely the means by which we incentivize people and businesses to serve the public good.

At least that’s how we do it in the United States of America and in countries that allow for free markets and private commercial exchange.

For example, we Americans enjoy a bountiful supply and an infinite variety of inexpensive and affordable food—not because the government has intervened and mandated it, but rather because private sector companies realize that there is money to be made by “serving the public good” and meeting this need.

Other countries, such as the former Soviet Union, have tried to “serve the public good” by empowering the government at the expense of the private sector, and the results have been disastrous. Freedom works; government control and coercion do not.

The iPhone and personal computer, likewise, were not produced by the government. They were produced by entrepreneurs who saw that there was money to be made by “serving the public good” and helping to fulfill our natural yearning for greater autonomy, control, creativity, and connectedness. 

In fact, to the extent that we do suffer “market failure” (a favorite term of derision by left-wingers such as Professor Cohen), it is precisely because the government exerts too much control and power over decision-making processes that are best left to the private sector.

Government Failure. Indeed, what is typically called “market failure” is more accurately described as “government failure.” Case in point: the coronavirus.

The United States has been embarrassingly and shamefully tardy on testing for the coronavirus, lagging far behind other countries such as South Korea and Australia. Why? Because we relied upon the feds to administer and manage testing; and they, unsurprisingly, botched it

The Wall Street Journal’s Kimberley Strassel explains:

The single biggest mistake so far came from the government. The feds maintained exclusive control over early test development—and blew it. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s failure delayed an effective U.S. response, and the private sector is now riding to the rescue.

But don’t take Strassel’s word for it. Here is what the head of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, Anthony S. Fauci, M.D, told radio host (and Trump apologist) Hugh Hewitt:

The regulatory constraints, which under certain circumstances are helpful and protective of the American people were not suited to the emergence of this particular outbreak…

I believe now that the [Centers for Disease Control and Prevention] (CDC), and the [Food and Drug Administration] (FDA), and the Department [of Health and Human Services]—that we’ve got it right now:

Because we’re handing much of it over to the private sector [and] to heavy hitter companies that do this for a living. And I think what you’re going to be seeing looking forward is a major, major improvement in the availability of testing.

“The government’s failures affected every step of the testing process, from the initial throat swab to the genetic sequencing,” report Dan Vergano and Ben King in BuzzFeed News .

“Even now,” they note, “state and local health departments have a confusing patchwork of requirements for testing.”

“Federal officials,” moreover, “waited until early March to invite large private labs, which can run thousands of tests a day, to begin coronavirus testing, leaving the U.S. with a backlog of swab samples even as case numbers double every two days.”

Unfortunately, failure in government is endemic because there are no competitive market mechanisms that force public-sector agencies to adapt and innovate as in the private sector.

Private-sector companies fear going out of business and adapt accordingly. Not so in the government or public sector, where agencies live on indefinitely no matter how badly they might fail.

“The botched rollout of COVID-19 tests,” observes Reason magazine’s Ronald Bailey, “is largely the fault of America’s medical regulatory bureaucracy—specifically, the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) and the FDA.

“As recently as Feb. 26,” he writes, “the CDC told state and local officials that its own testing capabilities were ‘more than adequate,’ the Wall Street Journal reports.”

However, according to Bailey, 

A Utah molecular diagnostics company is all set to produce 50,000 coronavirus tests per day, though its having trouble obtaining “reagent chemicals” that are necessary for a latter stage of the procedure, according to Desert News.

Co-Diagnostics’ COVID-19 test, which costs just $10 per patient and produces results in only 90 minutes, is already in use in Italy, Germany, the United Kingdom, Turkey, Greece, the Philippines, Thailand, Australia, Paraguay, Ecuador, Israel, South Africa and Canada.

But in the U.S. it had only been available for certain entities and research institutions, per guidance from the Food and Drug Administration (FDA).

It was not until Tuesday night, [Mar. 17, 2020], that the FDA gave Co-Diagnostics emergency approval to distribute the test more generally to U.S. hospitals. Deseret News’ [Art Raymond] reports:

"The company said U.S. shipments to date have been in accordance with the FDA's policy change on Feb. 29 that allows certified U.S. laboratories to use the Co-Diagnostics' test under certain conditions.

"As a result of the change announced Tuesday night by the FDA, the company's test kit will soon be available for use by a wide array of U.S. laboratories, without first requiring emergency use authorization.

Co-Diagnostics CEO Dwight Egan said the rule change puts his company in a position to have positive impacts on the critical need for COVID-19 testing capacity in Utah, the U.S. and around the world."

The ramifications of this new FDA policy are significant for our company," Egan said in a statement.

"This change will quickly afford Co-Diagnostics even more opportunities to serve the needs of laboratories nationwide, as we play an even larger role in responding to this pandemic.

"We applaud the FDA's decision to recognize the dire need for increased access to high-quality COVID-19 tests, and to adapt as the situation demands in light of a public health emergency."

It’s smart for the biomedical company CEO to publicly thank the powerful agency that holds the keys to its fate. But no one else should be thanking the FDA… 

People are quite literally going to die because the regulatory state was insufficiently adaptive to a crisis.

Democratic Smears. Yet, too often in this country, Democratic politicians such as Bernie Sanders vilify CEOs and entrepreneurs such as Dwight Egan as “crooks” and “thieves” motivated by avarice and “greed.”

The Journal’s Strassel rightly has little patience for this populist smear. The “crooks” at drug company Roche,” she writes, 

had started on their own high-volume test in January, and were finally able to get approval from the Food and Drug Administration.

Google is up with a website advising people on symptoms; retailers like Walmart and CVS are converting parking lots for drive-through tests; private labs are standing by to process them.

As for other “moneyed interests,” no fewer than 30 Big Pharma and small biotech firms are racing for treatments and vaccines. Moderna turned around a vaccine batch in just 42 days.

Gilead Sciences is already in Phase 3 trials for its remdesivir treatment for Covid-19. Straight off President Trump’s announcement of FDA approval for antimalarial drugs to treat the disease, Bayer announced it would donate three million chloroquine tablets.

To be sure, government has an important role to play in protecting and safeguarding the public health. Securing the borders, for instance, is an important federal governmental function, and is necessary to keeping public health threats out of the country to the greatest extent practicable.

The government also can set national goals and priorities, while marshaling public-sector resources and coordinating public-private partnerships.

But having an energetic and effective government is very different from having a big and dominant government that preempts the private sector and tries to do things that are best done by commercial companies driven by the profit motive and responding to market signals and market incentives.

We need an energetic and effective government, not a big and dominant government. In fact, a big and dominant government typically is anything but energetic and effective, which is precisely the problem.

Critical Debate. This matters in a big and fundamental way because policymakers and the public will draw lessons and conclusions from the coronavirus: what worked, what didn’t, and what must change as a result. And it is critically important that they—we—not draw the wrong conclusions.

The problem was not that the private-sector failed; it was that the private-sector was bypassed and short-circuited.

And what must change is not our reliance upon private-sector companies, markets, and the profit motive. What must change is our deprecation of entrepreneurship and commercial interests in medicine and public health.

In fact, we need to make more effective use of incentives and competition in medicine, precisely to protect and safeguard the public health. Expecting the government to shoulder this burden exclusively is a surefire recipe for further disaster. 

2020 Election. These questions are especially pertinent now because a presidential election is rapidly approaching, and the Democratic Party has lurched far to the left and embraced increasing government control of our healthcare system.

They do so in the name of “fairness” and “compassion.” But there is nothing fair or compassionate about an inert and dysfunctional public-sector monopoly that fails the American people when they are most in need.

We can and must do better. But we can only do so by embracing the private sector, markets and the profit motive, which are good and praiseworthy things, indeed.

Feature photo credit: Co-Diagnostics CEO Dwight Egan as shown on YouTube.

Now That the Market Has Suffered an Historic Collapse, Should You Start Buying Stocks Again?

On Feb. 29, 2020, I argued that “the stock market correction was overdue irrespective of the coronavirus and is nothing to fear.” At the time, U.S. equities had lost more than $3.18 trillion in the worst weekly sell-off since the 2008 financial crisis.

“Should you divest yourself of all stocks and hide your money under the mattress until the panic subsides? No, of course not,” I wrote. “Stock market corrections occur with some regularity and are to be expected.”

Since then, of course, the market has continued to crater. Why? Because the U.S. economy is shutting down as a result of the coronavirus. Thus a healthy and inevitable market pullback has now been exacerbated in the extreme by a “black swan” event that traders did not foresee.

It happens, or at least it happened. The question now is: what should you do?

History Lesson. Well, first off, let’s learn from history, so that we don’t repeat the same mistake next time the market skyrockets. 

A sage bit of investing advice says: “Bulls make money; bears make money; but pigs get slaughtered.” For this reason, it is always a good idea to take some of money off of the table, or out of the market, after a big bull run.

We noted here at ResCon1 that, just before late Feb. sell-off,

the major stock indexes—the SPY, QQQ, and DIA, for instance—had all hit 52-week highs.

The market had been climbing higher and higher almost without interruption for some time. We were due for a pullback. It was inevitable.

For this reason, cashing in at least in part after the market indexes hit 52-week highs on the strength of a long and sustained bull run would have been the wise and prudent thing to do.

That’s Investing 101. But if you failed to do that, don’t fret or worry. You are where you are and time can heal all financial wounds.

In truth, it is exceedingly difficult to predict a market bottom. However, the market has dropped so far so fast that there is good reason to think we may have hit a bottom, if not the bottom. So now may be a good time to begin buying stocks again.

Investor Bill Miller, for instance, told CNBC that “this is an exceptional buying opportunity

“There have been four great buying opportunities in my adult lifetime,” he said.

“The first was in 1973 and ’74, the second was in 1982, the third was in 1987 and the fourth was in 2008 and 2009. And this is the fifth one.” 

Miller said these historic opportunities were mainly event-driven.

In 1973, there was the Yom Kippur War in the Middle East. A severe recession crashed the U.S. economy in 1982. There was a dramatic, albeit short-lived, stock market crash in 1987. And of course, in 2008 and 2009 there was the Great Recession.

“Those are the sorts of events that you see when markets are making historic lows. The news is just bleak all around,” Miller added. 

Miller, CNBC’s Maggie Fitzgerald reports, is

chairman and chief investment officer of Miller Value Partners… [He] beat the market for 15 straight years while working at Legg Mason…

[His] firm posted a return of 119.5% last year net of fees… Those gains more than made up for the firm’s 33.8% loss in 2018.”

Moreover, CNBC’s Brian Sullivan observes that, according to InsiderScore.com, corporate executives have “started  buying their own company’s stock either at, or nearly at, record levels.” Last week, for instance,

more than 1,300 top executives got into the market. Small caps, energy, financial company executives—they [all] had more buyers than at any time in their history, even more than at the depths of the [2008] financial crisis.

And insider buying across the entire market is getting close to that level as well. it is now at its highest level since November 2008…

InsiderScore.com notes that they’re not calling a market bottom. CEOs aren’t perfect market timers. But they do note CEO buying peaked in late 2008. Maybe a little good news on the market front.

Indeed, CNBC’s Jim Cramer thinks the doom and gloom about the U.S. economy and the markets is excessive and overwrought.

“Given the beating the market’s taken over the last couple of months, I think this it the wrong time to go full doom and gloom,” he said tonight on Mad Money.

I know the situation [with the U.S. economy] will get worse, probably a lot worse, before it gets better; but it will get better. And sometimes the stocks reflect that before we get to where it gets better.

We’re not some pitiless, helpless giant that’s powerless in the face of this pandemic…

The 1987 crash turned out to be a fabulous buying opportunity, not a selling opportunity. It could happen again.”

Williams Indicators. Cramer observes that, according to the legendary market technician, Larry Williams, the market has hit an extreme panic level. This is “the single most reliable indicator of a trend shift from bearish to bullish that there is.”

Cramer quotes Williams:

None of the tools of the trade that I have in my arsenal have done this good a job of calling major stock market lows. For almost 90 years we have seen bull markets begin at these times of extreme panic.

According to Williams, there have been 24 “extreme panic” signals in the last 87 years, and 18 of these 24 times the market has bottomed within three weeks. In 16 of these 24 times the market has bottomed within one week.

Cramer finds Williams’ analysis convincing and says that he likes these odds.

On the other hand, as Fast Money analyst Dan Nathan points out, there typically are “fierce bear market rallies off of lows.”

In 2001, he says, there were two 20 percent rallies that failed before we made new lows. In 2002 there was a failed 20 percent rally that gave way to a new low. And, in 2008, there was similar price action. 

“It took two years,” Nathan says, “for the market to bottom.”

Nathan acknowledges that this latest downturn is notable for its speed and velocity. Still, he says, it will take some time for the market to bottom.

So, if you’re buying now, understand that there likely will be lower lows, and be “comfortable with further losses,” he says.

The bottom line: know yourself. Know your appetite and tolerance for risk and act accordingly.

Realize that while no one can foresee the future, our investment decisions should, nonetheless, be guided by historical experience: because there are clear and discernible patterns that repeat themselves in the market each and every day, week, month, year, and decade.

Thus it is OK to take money out of the market when new highs are reached, and it is OK to reinvest when new lows are plumbed. It also is OK to make short-term trades rather than long-term investments.

You do not, after all, want to be the passive victim of financial conditions, market downturns, and “black swan” events.

Instead, you want to take (financial) advantage of market conditions and market-moving events, and now may be an especially good time to begin doing so.

Feature photo credit: Jim Cramer in Rocket News.