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The Coronavirus Shows That Free-Markets and the Profit Motive Are Required to Safeguard the Public Health

Democrats want to give the government more control over our healthcare system. Our experience with the coronavirus shows that this would be a big and costly mistake.

Does the coronavirus show that we need a bigger and more dominant government that assumes greater decision-making authority over “unfettered market processes”?

That’s what left-wing journalists, academics, and politicians argue. They say the coronavirus shows that free markets are incapable of addressing a public health crisis. Thus, in their view, to protect the health and well-being of the public, the federal government must play a more dominant role vis-à-vis the private sector.

As Columbia University political theory professor Jean Cohen told The Atlantic: “If you want to  serve the public good instead of private profit making, you need government to come in and make sure that’s done.”

But the notion that “private profit making” and “the public good” are two separate and distinct things which necessarily are opposed to each other is ludicrous and in defiance of commonsense and all empirical evidence.

Profit Motive. In truth, the profit motive is precisely the means by which we incentivize people and businesses to serve the public good.

At least that’s how we do it in the United States of America and in countries that allow for free markets and private commercial exchange.

For example, we Americans enjoy a bountiful supply and an infinite variety of inexpensive and affordable food—not because the government has intervened and mandated it, but rather because private sector companies realize that there is money to be made by “serving the public good” and meeting this need.

Other countries, such as the former Soviet Union, have tried to “serve the public good” by empowering the government at the expense of the private sector, and the results have been disastrous. Freedom works; government control and coercion do not.

The iPhone and personal computer, likewise, were not produced by the government. They were produced by entrepreneurs who saw that there was money to be made by “serving the public good” and helping to fulfill our natural yearning for greater autonomy, control, creativity, and connectedness. 

In fact, to the extent that we do suffer “market failure” (a favorite term of derision by left-wingers such as Professor Cohen), it is precisely because the government exerts too much control and power over decision-making processes that are best left to the private sector.

Government Failure. Indeed, what is typically called “market failure” is more accurately described as “government failure.” Case in point: the coronavirus.

The United States has been embarrassingly and shamefully tardy on testing for the coronavirus, lagging far behind other countries such as South Korea and Australia. Why? Because we relied upon the feds to administer and manage testing; and they, unsurprisingly, botched it

The Wall Street Journal’s Kimberley Strassel explains:

The single biggest mistake so far came from the government. The feds maintained exclusive control over early test development—and blew it. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s failure delayed an effective U.S. response, and the private sector is now riding to the rescue.

But don’t take Strassel’s word for it. Here is what the head of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, Anthony S. Fauci, M.D, told radio host (and Trump apologist) Hugh Hewitt:

The regulatory constraints, which under certain circumstances are helpful and protective of the American people were not suited to the emergence of this particular outbreak…

I believe now that the [Centers for Disease Control and Prevention] (CDC), and the [Food and Drug Administration] (FDA), and the Department [of Health and Human Services]—that we’ve got it right now:

Because we’re handing much of it over to the private sector [and] to heavy hitter companies that do this for a living. And I think what you’re going to be seeing looking forward is a major, major improvement in the availability of testing.

“The government’s failures affected every step of the testing process, from the initial throat swab to the genetic sequencing,” report Dan Vergano and Ben King in BuzzFeed News .

“Even now,” they note, “state and local health departments have a confusing patchwork of requirements for testing.”

“Federal officials,” moreover, “waited until early March to invite large private labs, which can run thousands of tests a day, to begin coronavirus testing, leaving the U.S. with a backlog of swab samples even as case numbers double every two days.”

Unfortunately, failure in government is endemic because there are no competitive market mechanisms that force public-sector agencies to adapt and innovate as in the private sector.

Private-sector companies fear going out of business and adapt accordingly. Not so in the government or public sector, where agencies live on indefinitely no matter how badly they might fail.

“The botched rollout of COVID-19 tests,” observes Reason magazine’s Ronald Bailey, “is largely the fault of America’s medical regulatory bureaucracy—specifically, the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) and the FDA.

“As recently as Feb. 26,” he writes, “the CDC told state and local officials that its own testing capabilities were ‘more than adequate,’ the Wall Street Journal reports.”

However, according to Bailey, 

A Utah molecular diagnostics company is all set to produce 50,000 coronavirus tests per day, though its having trouble obtaining “reagent chemicals” that are necessary for a latter stage of the procedure, according to Desert News.

Co-Diagnostics’ COVID-19 test, which costs just $10 per patient and produces results in only 90 minutes, is already in use in Italy, Germany, the United Kingdom, Turkey, Greece, the Philippines, Thailand, Australia, Paraguay, Ecuador, Israel, South Africa and Canada.

But in the U.S. it had only been available for certain entities and research institutions, per guidance from the Food and Drug Administration (FDA).

It was not until Tuesday night, [Mar. 17, 2020], that the FDA gave Co-Diagnostics emergency approval to distribute the test more generally to U.S. hospitals. Deseret News’ [Art Raymond] reports:

"The company said U.S. shipments to date have been in accordance with the FDA's policy change on Feb. 29 that allows certified U.S. laboratories to use the Co-Diagnostics' test under certain conditions.

"As a result of the change announced Tuesday night by the FDA, the company's test kit will soon be available for use by a wide array of U.S. laboratories, without first requiring emergency use authorization.

Co-Diagnostics CEO Dwight Egan said the rule change puts his company in a position to have positive impacts on the critical need for COVID-19 testing capacity in Utah, the U.S. and around the world."

The ramifications of this new FDA policy are significant for our company," Egan said in a statement.

"This change will quickly afford Co-Diagnostics even more opportunities to serve the needs of laboratories nationwide, as we play an even larger role in responding to this pandemic.

"We applaud the FDA's decision to recognize the dire need for increased access to high-quality COVID-19 tests, and to adapt as the situation demands in light of a public health emergency."

It’s smart for the biomedical company CEO to publicly thank the powerful agency that holds the keys to its fate. But no one else should be thanking the FDA… 

People are quite literally going to die because the regulatory state was insufficiently adaptive to a crisis.

Democratic Smears. Yet, too often in this country, Democratic politicians such as Bernie Sanders vilify CEOs and entrepreneurs such as Dwight Egan as “crooks” and “thieves” motivated by avarice and “greed.”

The Journal’s Strassel rightly has little patience for this populist smear. The “crooks” at drug company Roche,” she writes, 

had started on their own high-volume test in January, and were finally able to get approval from the Food and Drug Administration.

Google is up with a website advising people on symptoms; retailers like Walmart and CVS are converting parking lots for drive-through tests; private labs are standing by to process them.

As for other “moneyed interests,” no fewer than 30 Big Pharma and small biotech firms are racing for treatments and vaccines. Moderna turned around a vaccine batch in just 42 days.

Gilead Sciences is already in Phase 3 trials for its remdesivir treatment for Covid-19. Straight off President Trump’s announcement of FDA approval for antimalarial drugs to treat the disease, Bayer announced it would donate three million chloroquine tablets.

To be sure, government has an important role to play in protecting and safeguarding the public health. Securing the borders, for instance, is an important federal governmental function, and is necessary to keeping public health threats out of the country to the greatest extent practicable.

The government also can set national goals and priorities, while marshaling public-sector resources and coordinating public-private partnerships.

But having an energetic and effective government is very different from having a big and dominant government that preempts the private sector and tries to do things that are best done by commercial companies driven by the profit motive and responding to market signals and market incentives.

We need an energetic and effective government, not a big and dominant government. In fact, a big and dominant government typically is anything but energetic and effective, which is precisely the problem.

Critical Debate. This matters in a big and fundamental way because policymakers and the public will draw lessons and conclusions from the coronavirus: what worked, what didn’t, and what must change as a result. And it is critically important that they—we—not draw the wrong conclusions.

The problem was not that the private-sector failed; it was that the private-sector was bypassed and short-circuited.

And what must change is not our reliance upon private-sector companies, markets, and the profit motive. What must change is our deprecation of entrepreneurship and commercial interests in medicine and public health.

In fact, we need to make more effective use of incentives and competition in medicine, precisely to protect and safeguard the public health. Expecting the government to shoulder this burden exclusively is a surefire recipe for further disaster. 

2020 Election. These questions are especially pertinent now because a presidential election is rapidly approaching, and the Democratic Party has lurched far to the left and embraced increasing government control of our healthcare system.

They do so in the name of “fairness” and “compassion.” But there is nothing fair or compassionate about an inert and dysfunctional public-sector monopoly that fails the American people when they are most in need.

We can and must do better. But we can only do so by embracing the private sector, markets and the profit motive, which are good and praiseworthy things, indeed.

Feature photo credit: Co-Diagnostics CEO Dwight Egan as shown on YouTube.

Now That the Market Has Suffered an Historic Collapse, Should You Start Buying Stocks Again?

On Feb. 29, 2020, I argued that “the stock market correction was overdue irrespective of the coronavirus and is nothing to fear.” At the time, U.S. equities had lost more than $3.18 trillion in the worst weekly sell-off since the 2008 financial crisis.

“Should you divest yourself of all stocks and hide your money under the mattress until the panic subsides? No, of course not,” I wrote. “Stock market corrections occur with some regularity and are to be expected.”

Since then, of course, the market has continued to crater. Why? Because the U.S. economy is shutting down as a result of the coronavirus. Thus a healthy and inevitable market pullback has now been exacerbated in the extreme by a “black swan” event that traders did not foresee.

It happens, or at least it happened. The question now is: what should you do?

History Lesson. Well, first off, let’s learn from history, so that we don’t repeat the same mistake next time the market skyrockets. 

A sage bit of investing advice says: “Bulls make money; bears make money; but pigs get slaughtered.” For this reason, it is always a good idea to take some of money off of the table, or out of the market, after a big bull run.

We noted here at ResCon1 that, just before late Feb. sell-off,

the major stock indexes—the SPY, QQQ, and DIA, for instance—had all hit 52-week highs.

The market had been climbing higher and higher almost without interruption for some time. We were due for a pullback. It was inevitable.

For this reason, cashing in at least in part after the market indexes hit 52-week highs on the strength of a long and sustained bull run would have been the wise and prudent thing to do.

That’s Investing 101. But if you failed to do that, don’t fret or worry. You are where you are and time can heal all financial wounds.

In truth, it is exceedingly difficult to predict a market bottom. However, the market has dropped so far so fast that there is good reason to think we may have hit a bottom, if not the bottom. So now may be a good time to begin buying stocks again.

Investor Bill Miller, for instance, told CNBC that “this is an exceptional buying opportunity

“There have been four great buying opportunities in my adult lifetime,” he said.

“The first was in 1973 and ’74, the second was in 1982, the third was in 1987 and the fourth was in 2008 and 2009. And this is the fifth one.” 

Miller said these historic opportunities were mainly event-driven.

In 1973, there was the Yom Kippur War in the Middle East. A severe recession crashed the U.S. economy in 1982. There was a dramatic, albeit short-lived, stock market crash in 1987. And of course, in 2008 and 2009 there was the Great Recession.

“Those are the sorts of events that you see when markets are making historic lows. The news is just bleak all around,” Miller added. 

Miller, CNBC’s Maggie Fitzgerald reports, is

chairman and chief investment officer of Miller Value Partners… [He] beat the market for 15 straight years while working at Legg Mason…

[His] firm posted a return of 119.5% last year net of fees… Those gains more than made up for the firm’s 33.8% loss in 2018.”

Moreover, CNBC’s Brian Sullivan observes that, according to InsiderScore.com, corporate executives have “started  buying their own company’s stock either at, or nearly at, record levels.” Last week, for instance,

more than 1,300 top executives got into the market. Small caps, energy, financial company executives—they [all] had more buyers than at any time in their history, even more than at the depths of the [2008] financial crisis.

And insider buying across the entire market is getting close to that level as well. it is now at its highest level since November 2008…

InsiderScore.com notes that they’re not calling a market bottom. CEOs aren’t perfect market timers. But they do note CEO buying peaked in late 2008. Maybe a little good news on the market front.

Indeed, CNBC’s Jim Cramer thinks the doom and gloom about the U.S. economy and the markets is excessive and overwrought.

“Given the beating the market’s taken over the last couple of months, I think this it the wrong time to go full doom and gloom,” he said tonight on Mad Money.

I know the situation [with the U.S. economy] will get worse, probably a lot worse, before it gets better; but it will get better. And sometimes the stocks reflect that before we get to where it gets better.

We’re not some pitiless, helpless giant that’s powerless in the face of this pandemic…

The 1987 crash turned out to be a fabulous buying opportunity, not a selling opportunity. It could happen again.”

Williams Indicators. Cramer observes that, according to the legendary market technician, Larry Williams, the market has hit an extreme panic level. This is “the single most reliable indicator of a trend shift from bearish to bullish that there is.”

Cramer quotes Williams:

None of the tools of the trade that I have in my arsenal have done this good a job of calling major stock market lows. For almost 90 years we have seen bull markets begin at these times of extreme panic.

According to Williams, there have been 24 “extreme panic” signals in the last 87 years, and 18 of these 24 times the market has bottomed within three weeks. In 16 of these 24 times the market has bottomed within one week.

Cramer finds Williams’ analysis convincing and says that he likes these odds.

On the other hand, as Fast Money analyst Dan Nathan points out, there typically are “fierce bear market rallies off of lows.”

In 2001, he says, there were two 20 percent rallies that failed before we made new lows. In 2002 there was a failed 20 percent rally that gave way to a new low. And, in 2008, there was similar price action. 

“It took two years,” Nathan says, “for the market to bottom.”

Nathan acknowledges that this latest downturn is notable for its speed and velocity. Still, he says, it will take some time for the market to bottom.

So, if you’re buying now, understand that there likely will be lower lows, and be “comfortable with further losses,” he says.

The bottom line: know yourself. Know your appetite and tolerance for risk and act accordingly.

Realize that while no one can foresee the future, our investment decisions should, nonetheless, be guided by historical experience: because there are clear and discernible patterns that repeat themselves in the market each and every day, week, month, year, and decade.

Thus it is OK to take money out of the market when new highs are reached, and it is OK to reinvest when new lows are plumbed. It also is OK to make short-term trades rather than long-term investments.

You do not, after all, want to be the passive victim of financial conditions, market downturns, and “black swan” events.

Instead, you want to take (financial) advantage of market conditions and market-moving events, and now may be an especially good time to begin doing so.

Feature photo credit: Jim Cramer in Rocket News.

Placing Trump’s Response to the Coronavirus in Historical Perspective

Presidents Kennedy, Carter, and Reagan were each responsible for monumental policy failures. Yet, they emerged from these crises with their honor and integrity intact.

 

We cannot, sadly, say the same of President Trump.

To appreciate how wrong and contemptible President Trump’s lies and evasion of responsibility are re: his administration’s weak and tardy response to the coronavirus, it is helpful to review how other America presidents have responded when they erred and failed at times of national crisis.

Kennedy. Here is what President Kennedy said after the Bay of Pigs debacle:

There’s an old saying that victory has 100 fathers and defeat is an orphan.

I’ve said as much as I feel can be usefully said by me in regard to the events of the past few days. Further statements, detailed discussions, are not to conceal responsibility, because I’m the responsible officer of the government… and that is quite obvious—

But merely because I do not believe that such a discussion would benefit us during the present difficult situation.

Kennedy was not excessively self-critical, and he did not wallow in self-abasement. However, he did man up and forthrightly accept responsibility for the Bay of Pigs debacle.

The American people respected Kennedy for owning up to his failure, forgave him, and rallied to his side with a spectacular 70-percent-plus approval rating. The country moved on.

Carter. Here is what President Carter said after the botched Iranian hostage rescue mission aka Operation Eagle Claw:

Late yesterday, I cancelled a carefully planned operation which was underway in Iran to position our rescue team for later withdrawal of American hostages, who have been held captive there since November 4. Equipment failure in the rescue helicopters made it necessary to end the mission…

I made a decision to commence the rescue operations plans. This attempt became a necessity and a duty. The readiness of our team to undertake the rescue made it completely practicable.

Accordingly, I made the decision to set our long-developed plans into operation.

I ordered this rescue mission prepared in order to safeguard American lives, to protect America’s national interests, and to reduce the tensions in the world that have been caused among many nations as this crisis has continued.

It was my decision to attempt the rescue operation. It was my decision to cancel it when problems developed in the placement of our rescue team for a future rescue operation. The responsibility is fully my own.

Carter ended up losing the 1980 presidential election in a landslide to Ronald Reagan, in no small part because of the Iranian hostage debacle. However, in the aftermath of the failed hostage rescue attempt, Carter’s support did not collapse.

To the contrary: a Gallup poll conducted roughly a week later (May 1, 1980) showed Carter with a 51-36 percent lead over his Democratic primary challenger, Sen. Ted Kennedy (D-Mass.).

Carter, moreover, would go on to narrowly lose the Michigan Caucuses to Kennedy, 48-46 percent, before winning 11 of the next 12 primaries en route to capturing the Democratic Party presidential nomination.

Again, the American people were quite forgiving of presidential failure. They understood that, despite whatever disagreements and doubts they had about Carter, he was nonetheless a good and decent man trying his level best to do right by them and the country.

Reagan. Here is President Reagan acknowledging to the American people that, despite his intentions to the contrary, his administration did, in fact, sell arms for hostages to Iran, a state sponsor of terrorism: 

My fellow Americans, I’ve spoken to you from this historic office on many occasions and about many things. The power of the Presidency is often thought to reside within this Oval Office. Yet it doesn’t rest here; it rests in you, the American people, and in your trust.

Your trust is what gives a President his powers of leadership and his personal strength, and it’s what I want to talk to you about this evening.

For the past three months, I’ve been silent on the revelations about Iran. And you must have been thinking, “Well, why doesn’t he tell us what’s happening? Why doesn’t he just speak to us as he has in the past when we’ve faced troubles or tragedies?”

Others of you, I guess, were thinking, ”What’s he doing hiding out in the White House?”

Well, the reason I haven’t spoken to you before now is this: You deserve the truth. And, as frustrating as the waiting has been, I felt it was improper to come to you with sketchy reports, or possibly even erroneous statements, which would then have to be corrected, creating even more doubt and confusion.

There’s been enough of that.

I’ve paid a price for my silence in terms of your trust and confidence. But I have had to wait, as you have, for the complete story.

Notice how Reagan emphasized presidential trust and candor, and the importance of speaking truthfully to the American people.  Notice, too, that he felt the need to apologize for not being communicative enough! (Of course, they didn’t have Twitter back then.)

Reagan explained that he had appointed a special review board to investigate what had happened, and that the board had just issued its findings. 

Let’s start with the part that is the most controversial. A few months ago I told the American people I did not trade arms for hostages. My heart and my best intentions still tell me that is true, but the facts and the evidence tell me it is not.

As the Tower board reported, what began as a strategic opening to Iran deteriorated in its implementation into trading arms for hostages. This runs counter to my own beliefs, to Administration policy and to the original strategy we had in mind.

There are reasons why it happened but no excuses. It was a mistake.

I undertook the original Iran initiative in order to develop relations with those who might assume leadership in a post-Khomeini Government. It’s clear from the board’s report, however, that I let my personal concern for the hostages spill over into the geopolitical strategy of reaching out to Iran.

I asked so many questions about the hostages’ welfare that I didn’t ask enough about the specifics of the total Iran plan…

As I told the Tower board, I didn’t know about any diversion of funds to the contras. But as President, I cannot escape responsibility

Now what should happen when you make a mistake is this: You take your knocks, you learn your lessons and then you move on. That’s the healthiest way to deal with a problem.

This in no way diminishes the importance of the other continuing investigations, but the business of our country and our people must proceed…

You know, by the time you reach my age, you’ve made plenty of mistakes, and if you’ve lived your life properly, so you learn. You put things in perspective. You pull your energies together. You change. You go forward.

My fellow Americans, I have a great deal that I want to accomplish with you and for you over the next two years, and, the Lord willing, that’s exactly what I intend to do. Goodnight and God bless you.

Reagan’s Triumph. And God Bless President Reagan. He did, in fact, go on to deliver one of the greatest and most historically consequential speeches in world history: at the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin, Germany, June 12, 1987

General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!

The walls were torn down; Eastern Europe was liberated; the Soviet Union was defeated; and the Cold War was won. America, meanwhile, enjoyed continued peace and prosperity; and Reagan finished up his second term a highly popular, successful, and respected two-term president.

Now, compare that to how President Trump has handled the coronavirus. NBC News White House correspondent Geoff Bennett has compiled a timeline of Trump’s key remarks dating back to January when the coronavirus first emerged in the public consciousness:

 

To this disgraceful list we should add other damning Trump statements or admissions. NBC News reports:

Asked Friday at his press conference by NBC News’ Kristen Welker whether he should take responsibility for the failure to disseminate larger quantities of tests earlier, Trump declined.

“I don’t take responsibility at all,” he said.

Trump also responded testily to a question from another reporter about a decision made by the administration in 2018 to disband the White House’s National Security Council Directorate for Global Health Security and Biodefense — a unit sometimes referred to as the White House pandemic office.

Trump called the question “nasty” and replied, “I didn’t do it.”

“You say we did that, [but] I don’t know anything about it,” Trump said.

In addition to having insisted for weeks that he had the outbreak under control, Trump has also propagated personal beliefs about the coronavirus that contradict those of veteran health officials and experts.

Then today, Trump tweeted this bald-faced lie:

This tweet would be laughable were the matter not so serious, with tens of thousands of American lives hanging in the balance.

Again, as we have reported here at ResCon1, Trump’s China ban was the one praiseworthy decision that he made early on in this crisis. However, it was hardly a game changer, because it never was combined with rapid and comprehensive testing to prevent community spread of the virus.

Forgiveness. In any case, mistakes and errors are forgivable and can be excused. In fact, as our history shows, the American people are quite forgiving of presidents who make mistakes, acknowledge their error, and seek forgiveness.

What is unforgivable, though, is refusing to acknowledge error and then compounding the error by lying repeatedly about it. And that, unfortunately, describes the all-too-characteristic behavior of Trump. George Conway captures this character flaw well:

But responsibility? Never. Ever the blameless narcissist, Trump always insists that the buck stops wherever convenient—for him, personally.

For Trump, success always has a single father—himself. Failure has a hundred—everyone and anyone else: The media. The Democrats. The “deep state.” Disloyal staffers. Prosecutors. Judges.

Anyone who doesn’t do his bidding or sufficiently sing his praises.

And the common thread between his taking credit and shifting blame? Trump’s standbys: Lying, deceit and exaggeration. All have come into play throughout his presidency, and all now have come home to roost.

Feature photo credit: Associated Press via the Los Angeles Times.

Hold Trump Accountable for the Crisis Surrounding the Coronavirus

We’ve noted here at ResCon1 that President Trump’s failure to act early and decisively on the coronavirus has endangered American lives and forced the United States to take even more draconian measures than otherwise would have been necessary. 

Trump’s apologists, however, are pushing back and telling us that we shouldn’t “politicize” this crisis.

Instead, they assert, implicitly (and sometimes explicitly), that we should rally around the president, who presumably is now taking the requisite bold and resolute actions necessary to combat the coronavirus. 

As Washington Post columnist Marc Thiessen put it on Fox News Special Report Monday night, March 16, 2020:

Well, it [politics] shouldn’t creep in. I mean, this is a time when we should come together as a nation [and] put aside partisanship, put aside the backbiting.

Look, after this is all over, I’m sure we’re gonna have a 9/11 commission-style investigation that’s gonna look through [all of this]—not to lay blame, but to figure out, just as we did after 9/11: where were the gaps; what didn’t work; what failed; what succeeded?

So [that] when the next pandemic comes around, we can fix it. But this is not the time for laying blame.

Nice try, but Thiessen has it exactly wrong and backward. In a representative democracy such as ours, and with a presidential election fast approaching now is exactly the time for “laying blame”—or, to be more precise:

Now is exactly the time to hold our elected leaders—especially the top political leader with the most responsibility and authority for protecting and safeguarding the American people—accountable for their what they did and did not do as the gathering storm approached.

Thiessen’s plea to “put aside the backbiting” echoes Trump’s own call to “end the finger-pointing.” But as David Frum points out in The Atlantic:

It’s a strange thing for this president of all presidents to say. No American president, and precious few American politicians, have ever pointed so many fingers or hurled so much abuse as Donald Trump.

What he means, of course, is: Don’t hold me to account for the things I did—[and did not do, but should have done].

But he did do them, and he owns responsibility for those things. He cannot escape it, and he will not escape it.

In short, bemoaning the “politicization” of this crisis is a transparent attempt to try and evade or avert responsibility and accountability for a leader’s actions and failings.

Accountability is important because, as I observed last week when calling on the Senate to censure Minority Leader Chuck Schumer:

The failure and unwillingness of institutions—churches, schools, corporations, professional societies, et al.—to maintain standards of professional conduct, and to police and disciplined their own, is a big reason institutions increasingly have lost the public’s trust and confidence, and, with that, their ability to mold the American character and shape the nation’s destiny.

This is not an insight unique to me, or even one that I can claim credit for.

Instead, as I’ve reported here at ResCon1, Yuval Levin makes this point brilliantly in a new and important book: A Time to Build: From Family and Community to Congress and the Campus, How Recommitting to Our Institutions Can Revive the American Dream.

Our political institutions, including the Congress and the Presidency, are like any other institution, but arguably more important than other institutions because of the scope and magnitude of their responsibility.

Thus if we wish to maintain public trust and confidence in our political leaders and institutions, then we must hold these leaders and institutions accountable for their actions—and for when they fail to act.

This is not  a partisan point for me. That’s why I called on the Senate to censure Democratic Senator Chuck Schumer; and it is why I insist that we hold Republican President Donald Trump to account as well

If Senator Schumer had acknowledged wronging and offered a sincere, good-faith apology after threatening two Supreme Court justices, then his censure might not be necessary.

If, likewise, President Trump had acknowledged that he wrongly minimized the coronavirus and mishandled the problem, then perhaps we could  simply “move on.” But he didn’t and we can’t.

And we shouldn’t. Our political leaders need to know that their misdeeds and failings will not be ignored and whitewashed for reasons of political expediency.

Instead, they will be held to account by we the American people, and by the institutions of American democracy: because here the people rule, and we expect and demand no less.

For this reason, President Trump should be forced to explain why he didn’t push for early and rapid testing of the coronavirus on a mass scale, and why he continually minimized the problem and suggested that it would disappear.

And the American people should consider Trump’s response—or non-response—when, this fall, they decide who will serve as president for the next four years.

Feature photo credit: Red Blue Divide.

Finding Humor Amid the Doom and Gloom of the Coronavirus

The coronavirus has cast a pall over the country. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has urged Americans to cancel events with 50 or more people, and President Trump has declared the COVID-19 outbreak a national emergency.

The need for extreme social distancing to prevent our hospitals and our healthcare system from being overwhelmed and brought to the breaking point may mean that this emergency extends throughout the summer, Trump warns.

The stock market, meanwhile, has lost nearly a third of its value (32 percent) since Feb. 12. As a point of comparison, “between Oct. 24 and Nov. 13, 1929 [at the start of the Great Depression], stocks fell by 33 percent,” reports Bloomberg’s Joe Nocera.

During such depressing times, it is important to find instances of levity or black humor to help relieve the stress and anxiety that threaten us all. Here are two such instances that we think will bring a smile to your face.

First, you know things have gotten bad when even Islamist terrorist groups are warning their adherents to avoid London, Milan, and Paris because, well, it’s gotten too damn dangerous there!

Second, professional and collegiate athletes have all been canceled. March Madness? Gone! Spring Training? Hasta la vista! Opening Day? Not this year!

Professional basketball and hockey? No dice! The PGA Tour? Forget about it! The Kentucky Derby? Not in Kentucky and not in any of these United States!

Heck, even professional bowling (if that’s your thing) probably has been canceled, given the CDC’s edict—er, I mean, recommendation!—against gatherings of 50 or more people.

Yet, not to worry: ESPN “has you covered” with 24/7 programming. But covered with what, exactly? Not sports, because there are none anymore. Instead, ESPN has you covered with wall-to-wall bloviation!

Now, look: I love Stephen A. Smith as much as the next red-blooded-American sports fan. But as good as he is—and he is very good—there’s only so much of him that you can take in any one day or week.

Ditto Tony Kornheiser and Michael Wilbon. Pardon the Interruption and perish the thought; but what, exactly, are they gonna argue about if there’s nothing happening in the sports world to argue about?

The good old days? The 1969 Mets? The ’85 Bears? Dentures? Their latest hip replacement surgery? I mean: Come on, man!

Feature photo credit: The Patriot Post.