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The Choices We Need—to Which the New York Times is Utterly Oblivious

The New York Times today published a long and eloquently written editorial that blames affluent Americans (mostly white or caucasian) for segregating themselves off from less affluent Americans (mostly black and Hispanic) and thereby giving rise to economic inequality and, allegedly, a corresponding lack of opportunity for the poor and disadvantaged.

The Times is rightly worried that the COVID-19 pandemic will exacerbate this problem—if, as is likely, it causes the affluent to further flee densely packed cities for neighborhoods that are more inherently conducive to social distancing and thus safer from pathogens like the coronavirus.

Restrictive Zoning. The Times has a point when it criticizes restrictive local zoning ordinances, which too often prevent the development of denser, varied, and more affordable types of housing.

But instead of proposing the obvious solution to this problem—more open, accommodating, and less restrictive zoning ordinances—the Times proposes more authoritarian-style, command-and-control regulations such as those imposed by the state of Oregon.

Oregon, reports the Times, last year banned single-family zoning in all cities of more than 10,000 people.

Of course, this doesn’t solve the problem of affordable housing; it exacerbates it, as the affluent bid up the price of increasingly scarce single-family housing stock in economically segregated neighborhoods.

More options, not fewer options, in the housing and education markets are needed to create greater opportunity for America’s poor and disadvantaged.

Sins of Omission. For these reasons, the Times’ editorial is remarkable for what it does not mention.

There is no mention of school choice, which allows parents of poor and disadvantaged students to send their children to a public or private school of their choice regardless of district or jurisdictional boundaries.

School choice programs have been enacted with great success in many states and locales; however, they run afoul of the teachers unions, which are a powerful Democratic Party constituency with deep financial pockets and organizational wherewithal.

The teachers unions rightly fear that choice and competition threaten their public school monopoly. Thus they are vociferous opponents of school choice.

Crime. There also is no mention of crime—or at least no substantive mention of crime and the very real effect crime has had in creating residential segregation and the inequality that the Times laments.

Instead, the Times mentions the word crime exactly once, and only to belittle and disparage it as a reason the affluent have fled cities and created more economically segregated neighborhoods, both within cities and in the surrounding suburbs.

But the truth is: an explosion of violent crime in our nation’s cities in the 1960s and ‘70s caused many people of financial means, black and white, to flee the cities.

The New York Times to the contrary notwithstanding, this had nothing to do with selfishness or “racism.”

Instead, it had everything to do with safety and survival—for yourself, your family, and your loved ones—and with wanting to ensure that your children grew up in a neighborhood rich in opportunity and free of violent crime.

American cities have rebounded in recent decades after Rudy Giuliani and other urban leaders embraced conservative reforms that dramatically reduced violent crime and made cities once again an oasis of safety and culture.

Yet, the Times and other “progressives” have been working diligently to overturn these reforms—by attacking “stop-and-frisk” policing, for instance, and by seeking to eliminate entrance exams for New York City’s elite public high schools.

Of course, the Times editorial is silent about crime because it is the elephant in the room that dare not be mentioned in “progressive” circles—except insofar as it can be used as a cudgel to attack the police.

But make no mistake: undermining the achievements that New York and other cities have made in combating crime and in creating islands of educational excellence will not help the poor and disadvantaged; it simply will drive the affluent—black, white, and brown—further away.

School Funding. Finally, the Times pushes the old saw that we don’t spend enough money educating the poor and disadvantaged; and it laments the financial disparities that exist between affluent and poor school districts.

These disparities are real, but the notion that they are responsible for differences in educational achievement is silly and simply not supported by the facts. As Reason Magazine’s Ron Baily reports, researchers at the National Bureau of Economic Research have found that

the gap in educational achievement between public school students in the bottom 10th economic status (SES) percentile and those in the top 90th SES percentile has remained essentially unchanged over the last 50 years.

[…]

The researchers note that these disappointing results occurred despite the fact that ‘overall school funding increased dramatically on a per-pupil basis, quadrupling in real dollars between 1960 and 2015.’ In addition, pupil-teacher ratios declined from 22.3 in 1970 to 16.1 in 2014.

In short, the problem is not money; the problem is the schools and the home environment of the students.

And this becomes especially obvious when you consider that many Catholic and public charter schools do a demonstrably better job educating poor and disadvantaged students and at a fraction of the cost of traditional public schools.

Choice and Competition. We absolutely need to create more opportunities for our fellow citizens who have failed to share or partake in our rising national affluence. And no doubt the COVID-19 pandemic makes this more difficult.

But ignoring politically inconvenient truths, as the New York Times does, makes this mission impossible. We need more choices, more competition, and freer and less fettered markets in housing and education. 

Feature photo credit: Getty Images via the Wall Street Journal.

In the Fight Against the Coronavirus, Cuomo and Trump Show the Difference Between Style and Substance

When assessing how well our political leaders are doing and their job performance, it is important to look beyond the rhetoric to examine actual policies and real-world results.

Sometimes, political leaders who speak or behave poorly do a surprisingly good job, while political leaders who speak and behave in a more suave and polished fashion implement bad and disastrous policies.

Yet, if we focus simply on rhetoric and demeanor, and not policies and results, we miss what is most important. We elevate style over substance. We deprecate rhetorically challenged leaders with good records, while lauding silver-tongued politicos with bad records.

This is, of course, precisely backward. Results should matter more than rhetoric.

President Trump, obviously, is a political leader who is, to put it charitably, rhetorically challenged. His public pronouncements, especially his tweets, are often juvenile, embarrassing, and subliterate. Yet, his record as president is far better than his rhetoric would suggest.

Until the coronavirus pandemic hit, the U.S. economy was doing remarkably well, with record low unemployment, renewed economic growth, and a booming stock market.

The United States had avoided any major foreign policy crises, while adopting a more realistic approach toward China. Trump’s two Supreme Court appointments are superb, as are most of his federal court nominations.

Yes, Trump was pathetically slow to recognize the gravity of the coronavirus, largely because he was too trusting of China’s communist dictator, Xi Jinping. And his daily press briefings have been too often depressing, unenlightening, uninformative, and uninspiring.

This is not at all what we Americans want or expect from our president during a national crisis that is unprecedented in any of our lifetimes.

Still, despite his rhetorical weakness and tardiness, Trump has taken strong and decisive action to combat the coronavirus, and these politics have worked. The virus has been contained, and the worst predictions—two million dead, rationed care, a lack of ventilators, et al.—were never realized.

And—this is important—the worst predictions were never realized because of Trump administration policies.

The supply of ventilators to our nation’s hospitals is the most compelling case in point. New York Governor Andrew Cuomo spent most of March eloquently speechifying about how his state needed an additional 30,000 ventilators. Otherwise, he ominously warned, some patients who urgently need ventilators might be denied ventilators.

Trump was heavily criticized by his Democratic and media opponents for supposedly failing to deliver these ventilators.

Yet, behind the scenes, his administration was working diligently and creatively to ensure that ventilator production was ramped-up; and that ventilators were distributed in real-time, on an as-needed basis, nationwide to ensure that all patients were covered and cared for—and that exactly what happened.

In the end, no patient who ever needed a ventilator was ever denied a ventilator; and New York ended up donating ventilators to other states that needed them.

Of course, Trump never really explained this to the American people because he is so rhetorically weak and challenged. But his record of success here is impressive and undeniable.

Cuomo. Now, compare that to silver-tongued Andrew Cuomo, who speaks, acts and behaves like a political leader should during a time of national crisis. We here at ResCon1 have praised Cuomo for his leadership.

We even have suggested that, because of his performance during the coronavirus pandemic, Cuomo, and not Joe Biden, should be the Democratic Party’s presidential nominee.

This is all true. However, it is also true that, despite his rhetorical gifts and undeniable leadership, Cuomo’s record during this crisis is suspect and deserves serious criticism.

Ventilators. Specifically, Cuomo and his health commissioner, Dr. Howard Zucker, issued an edict Mar. 25 that required nursing homes “to admit or readmit recovering COVID-19 patients—despite openly acknowledging that the elderly are among the most vulnerable,” reports the New York Post.

The unsurprising result: “The coronavirus’ suspected death toll among New York’s nursing home residents exploded by an additional 1,700 fatalities.”

“COVID-19 complications have killed 4,813 residents of nursing homes and adult-care facilities—and that doesn’t include those who died in hospitals,” notes the Post’s editorial board.

“Known nursing deaths represent 25 percent of all deaths in the state,” adds Post columnist Michael Goodwin.

This is disgraceful precisely because these deaths were so predictable and avoidable. They resulted from a disastrous policy that Cuomo forced upon New York’s nursing homes. 

“To them [the nursing homes],” explains Goodwin, Cuomo’s “March 25 order was a death sentence. Some facilities say they had no deaths or even positive patients before that date, but many of both since, including among staff members.”

New York’s nursing homes, reports the Post, “were clearly unprepared for the pandemic, lacking infection control protocols, sufficient personal protective equipment and tests to properly identify residents and staff infected with the virus.”

Rhetoric. Cuomo, of course, has tried to talk his way out of responsibility for this fiasco; and, truth be told, he is a much better talker than Trump. But rhetoric, no matter how eloquent and compelling, can conceal undeniable and indisputable truths.

And the truth is that Cuomo’s stupid and ill-advised policy re: nursing home admissions caused thousands of needless coronavirus deaths.

Yet, Cuomo’s more polished public persona and soothing rhetoric has had one beneficial effect, at least for him: It has spared him much media criticism that otherwise should be coming his way.

Trump, by contrast, has been the object of withering media criticism despite averting similarly bad outcomes and policy disasters.

The reason for this discrepancy, of course, is that Trump is, as they say, rough around the edges. He speaks poorly, shoots from the hip, vents his spleen, is prone to public displays of anger and frustration, and in general, behaves impulsively and acts out of pique.

What Matters. It would be much better for Trump and for the nation if he were more polished and disciplined; but at 73 years old, Trump is who he is. He won’t ever change.

We, however, can change our national focus and our national obsession. Instead of giving undue credence to Trump’s every utterance and solitary tweet, let’s focus more on his administration’s policies, record, and results.

And let’s do the same for his Democratic political opponents. That would result in a fairer and more balanced assessment of the Trump administration, as well as its possible successor or replacement.

Feature photo credit: New York Post.

Fake News Reported by the Washington Post: Trump’s Estimate of 60,000 Coronavirus Deaths

The Washington Post’s Aaron Blake notes that President Trump’s estimate for the coronavirus death toll has changed over time, has been too optimistic, and differs from the estimate given by one of his chief medical advisers, Deborah Birx, M.D.

Another instance of Trump ignoring the medical and scientific experts because he doesn’t want to hear bad and politically inconvenient truths?

That, of course, is what “progressive” journalists would have us believe. However, the facts in this particular case don’t support the left-wing narrative.

As Blake reports, in recent weeks, Trump has said there would be between 50,000 and 60,000 deaths. Yet, yesterday (May 3, 2020), on Fox News Sunday, Birx “told Chris Wallace:

“Our projections have always been between 100,000 and 240,000 America lives lost, and that’s with full mitigation and us learning from each other of how to social distance.”

“That contradicts what Trump said,” Blake notes—“and even what he went on to say later in the day.

“The president hasn’t just offered a more optimistic tone on the death toll; on April 20, he suggested 50,000 to 60,000 deaths had actually replaced the previous 100,000-to-240,000 goal that he had said would constitute a successful response.”

“We are at over 66,000 deaths, with little sign in recent weeks of any significant downturn,” Blake notes.

Fauci’s Estimate. OK, but here’s the problem with Blake’s (left-wing) narrative: Trump didn’t just pull his estimate of 50,000 to 60,000 coronavirus deaths out of thin air.

Instead, he was given that estimate from another prominent medical adviser, one Anthony Fucci, who heads up the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases.

How do I know this? Because I reported it here at ResCon1 back on April 9 when referencing an April 9, 2020, report by National Public Radio.

The title of that NPR report: “Fauci Says U.S. Coronavirus Deaths May ‘Be More Like 60,000’; Antibody Tests on Way.”

National Public Radio, I wrote,

reports that, according to Dr. Anthony Fauci, the head of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, “the final toll currently ‘looks more like 60,000 than the 100,000 to 200,000’ that U.S. officials previously estimated.”

NPR’s Bill Chappell:

Fauci, America’s leading expert on infectious diseases and a key member of the White House’s coronavirus task force, also said that antibody tests have been developed and will be available “very soon.”

[…]

The new projection sharply undercuts an estimate Fauci, the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, made just 11 days ago. In late March, he said “between 100,000 and 200,000” people in the U.S. could die from COVID-19.

The 60,000 figure is reflected in a new projection by the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation, or IHME, a research center at the University of Washington.

The estimate predicts the U.S. death toll through early August; it also predicts that COVID-19 deaths will peak in this country on April 11.

Dr. Birx may believe that “our projections have always been between 100,000 and 240,000 American lives lost” to the coronavirus; but that’s not what her Trump administration colleague, Dr. Fauci, told the president. 

Unfair Criticism. It is fair and reasonable to hold Trump accountable for his erratic and undisciplined remarks. However, it is unfair and unreasonable to blame him for relying on information given to him by one medical adviser (Dr. Fauci) that contradicts the information given to him by another medical adviser (Dr. Birx).

Moreover, while Trump’s estimate for the coronavirus death toll has changed over time, this is more a reflection of changing circumstances than deliberate or willful lying, distortion, and exaggeration.

Scientists and researchers, in fact, have revised, and continue to revise, their estimates as they learn more about the coronavirus. That’s a good thing, not a bad thing.

Facts are stubborn things. They don’t always comport with left-wing journalists’ prefabricated, anti-Trump narrative. Give the president his due—and hold his medical advisers, Dr. Birx and Dr. Fauci, to account.

Feature photo credit: Internewscast.

Federalism and the 50 States Are Key to Combatting the Coronavirus and Reopening America

The key remains: together as ever as one. We have to push as one for solutions to protect our families and our fates. So what do you say? Let’s get after it.” 

—Chris Cuomo, Cuomo Prime Time, Apr. 21, 2020

This is Cuomo’s schtick. He begins his prime time show every night on CNN with a blessedly brief and snappy introductory monologue that culminates in his plea for Americans to work “together as ever as one” to combat the coronavirus.

Politically speaking, what Cuomo means is this: we need a unitary national effort as opposed to 50 disparate state efforts, and a public policy oriented around “science” and what the public health “experts” say and counsel. 

It sounds so high-minded, commonsensical, and appealing. But Cuomo is wrong and he has it precisely backward:

Far from a unitary national effort, we need 50 laboratories of democracy combating and responding to the coronavirus in various ways that reflect the very real regional and demographic differences in the spread of the virus itself.

Scientific Understanding. Moreover, our scientific understanding of the coronavirus is not some settled piece of Biblical scripture that compels “The Ten Scientific Commandants.”

To the contrary: our scientific understanding is rapidly changing and evolving as we learn more about this new or novel coronavirus. Hence the provisional name nCoV before it was named SARS-CoV-2 or COVID-19.

“Over 2.43 million people around the world have contracted COVID-19,” the disease caused by the virus, and there are more than 1.6 million active cases,” reports Business Insider.

However, ongoing research on and about these patients has revealed that many of our best original assumptions about the virus weren’t fully accurate—or in some cases misguided.

After China confirmed the first case of the mysterious “pneumonia-like” illness at the end of December, for example, it turned out someone else likely started spreading it there in November.

Symptoms of COVID-19 also turned out to be far more expansive and peculiar than anyone initially realized. Even our understanding of how the virus transmits itself from one person to the next has changed.

But even if our scientific understanding of the coronavirus were fixed and settled, this understanding needs to be applied within a larger-scale analytical framework that considers the tradeoffs involved in various public policy options.

The goal of social distancing, remember, was never to eliminate the coronavirus and protect everyone from infection. That is well-night impossible.

Instead, the goal was to “flatten the curve” and thereby slow the spread of the virus, so that our hospitals and healthcare providers were not overwhelmed to the breaking point as happened in northern Italy.

And that, thank God, has been achieved. New York City and its surrounding suburbs were pressed to the breaking point, but they did not break.

Indeed, despite the genuine and well-founded fear that there might be too few ventilators and that rationing would ensue, the truth is: no one who ever needed a ventilator was ever denied a ventilator. New York, consequently, has actually given away some of its ventilators to other more needy states.

This is a remarkable achievement, which, two or three weeks ago, no one thought possible. It doesn’t’ mean we should abandon social distancing because all is well and the coronavirus is a thing of the past.

However, it does mean that we need to begin making reasonable accommodations to the reality of the virus and start reopening the U.S. economy.

We cannot wait for a vaccine, which, in the best scenario, is 12 to 18 months away. “The fastest vaccine ever developed for a viral infection is the Ebola vaccine, which took five years,” notes Avik Roy in the Wall Street Journal.

If we wait that long to reopen the U.S. economy, there will be no U.S. economy to open. America will lie in ruins. As George Gilder explains:

The health-care system saves lives; the economy provides everything we need to live. The damage being done to the economy—if sustained—could easily cost more lives world-wide than the coronavirus. 

Federalism. The genius of the American political system is federalism and decentralization, and it is the answer to our dilemma between, on the hand, protecting the public health and, on the other hand, protecting our economic livelihood and survival.

Federalism allows each of the 50 states to balance these competing concerns and decide for themselves which precise accommodations to make for the coronavirus. This is appropriate and wise.

It is appropriate because the coronavirus is having widely disparate effects on different states and regions, all of which have different and divergent demographics.

Sixteen states, for instance, each have fewer than 100 COVID-19 deaths and, together, account for just 634 deaths versus 54,021 for the country as a whole. Another 24 states plus the District of Columbia have between 100 and 1,000 COVID-19 deaths.

Some 40 percent of the deaths have occurred in New York. New York, Connecticut, and New Jersey account for nearly 60 percent of the virus’s fatalities, observe NPR’s Elena Renken and Daniel Wood

“The curves are flattening; hospital systems haven’t come close to being overwhelmed; Americans have adapted to new etiquettes of social distancing,” writes Bret Stephens in the New York Times.

“Many of the worst Covid outbreaks outside New York (such as at Chicago’s Cook County Jail or the Smithfield Foods processing plant in Sioux Falls, S.D.),” Stephens points out, “have specific causes that can be addressed without population-wide lockdowns.”

We also will learn from what each of the states do—what works well and what doesn’t—and can adjust our efforts accordingly. That’s the advantage or wisdom of having 50 laboratories of democracy as opposed to one sole and exclusive federal policy or decision-point.

Competition and experimentation in governance breed excellence. Monopolistic federal government control, by contrast, breeds mediocrity and failure.

Public Policy. Of course, public policy must continue to be informed by our rapidly evolving scientific understanding of the coronavirus

In fact, says Avik Roy: 

The starting point for a more realistic strategy is the key fact that not everyone is equally susceptible to hospitalization and death due to Covid-19. There is considerable evidence that younger people largely avoid the worst health outcomes.

According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, those over the age of 65 are 22 times more likely to die of Covid-19 than those under 55.

That is not to say that younger people are invulnerable…

Still, the much lower incidence of death among younger people warrants a reconsideration of our one-size-fits-all approach to stay-at-home policies, especially outside the hard-hit tri-state region of New York, New Jersey and Connecticut.

Georgia and Oklahoma are the first states to begin reopening their economies, and good on them for it. Governors Brian Kemp (R-Georgia) and Kevin Stitt (R-Oklahoma) made careful and deliberative decisions based on the data and informed by the science.

Georgia and Oklahoma aren’t abandoning social distancing. Instead, they’re incorporating social distancing into the workplace and social settings to allow residents and businesses to get on with their lives. All Americans will learn and benefit from these pioneering efforts.

The key remains: together as ever, not as one, but as 50 distinct and sovereign states. We have to push not as one nation, but as many states or jurisdictions, for potential solutions.

What do you say? Let’s get after it. Georgia and Oklahoma already are doing so. Let’s watch, observe, learn, and follow.

Because of Racialist Thinking, Dems Like Biden Were Slow to Recognize and Confront the Coronavirus

Ellen, one of my most loyal readers, says I make an unfair assumption when, in my last post, I wrote:

What’s more, it is highly doubtful that Joe Biden, Bernie Sanders, or any other Democratic presidential wannabe would have responded any earlier or more effectively [to the coronavirus pandemic], given their obsession with “racism,” “bigotry,” and “xenophobia.”

This obsession likely would have prevented a Democratic president from acknowledging Chinese culpability early on and then confronting China. 

But as I pointed out in the piece, I don’t think this requires any great leap of faith or logic, given what Biden, Sanders, and other leading Democratic officeholders said (and did not say) when the coronavirus first emerged as a public health concern here in the United States—and “given the Democrats’  obsession with ‘racism,’ ‘bigotry,’ and ‘xenophobia.’”

I should have included that first italicized thought in the piece, and have since updated the post accordingly. Still, even without that specific thought, the argument—and the evidence—is there, I think.

Democrats MIA. Simply put, back in January and February, when it became increasingly apparent that the coronavirus was a ticking time bomb waiting to happen, top Democrats, like Trump, were slow to recognize the problem. Dave Seminara observes in the Wall Street Journal, for instance, that:

Democratic candidates held five televised debates, lasting nearly 11 hours from Jan. 14 through March 15. They offered no policy proposals that haven’t already been enacted and said little about the virus in the four events in January and February…

At no point during any of the debates did a Democratic candidate suggest that the country should have been locked down or taken other social-distancing measures sooner.

As Arthur Conan Doyle observed: “It is easy to be wise after the event.”

On the other hand, it it is true that, as Tony Blinken observes, Biden said this in the Feb. 25, 2020, Democratic presidential debate:

I would be on the phone with China and making it clear: “We are going to need to be in your country. You have to be open; you have to be clear; we have to know what’s going on. We have to be there with you.” And insist on it—and insist, insist, insist.

Blinken is Biden’s senior foreign policy adviser. He served as Deputy Secretary of State and Deputy National Security Adviser for Obama.

In this Biden campaign video, Blinken makes a compelling indictment of Trump for being soft on China. However, his case for Biden’s prescience re: the coronavirus is much weaker.

Yes, Biden made this one tough comment about insisting on access to China. However, to the best of my knowledge, it is one comment made in isolation, and it lacks follow-through in anything else Biden has said.

Moreover, a month before Biden sounded off (once) against China, Trump already had established his coronavirus task force, while declaring COVID-19 a public health emergency.

Trump already had imposed his so-called China travel ban; and, two days earlier (Feb. 23), he had requested a $2.5 billion supplemental specifically to combat the coronavirus.

Biden, meanwhile, reports Robert C. O’Brien in the Wall Street Journal 

criticized the president’s “xenophobia” and “fear-mongering.” He stressed that “diseases have no borders.” It took until April 3 for Mr. Biden to do a 180 and come out in support of the president’s travel restriction.

O’Brien is Trump’s National Security Adviser.

Democrats’ obsession with “racism,” “bigotry,” and “xenophobia” is a real problem: it distorts their thinking and prevents them from seeing clearly looming threats, both domestically and internationally.

And even the toughest-minded Democrats can’t help but be adversely affected because they have to work within the confines of a political party obsessed with, and paralyzed by, racialist thinking and racialist modes of analysis.

Note, for instance, that Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer’s first response was to attack Trump’s China travel restrictions as “just an excuse [for the president] to further his ongoing war against immigrants.”

Biden, moreover, bizarrely is being accused now of “racism” and “xenophobia” because of a perfectly legitimate campaign ad that says Trump “rolled over for the Chinese.”

Massachusetts Democrat Seth Moulton, likewise, withdrew his support of a bipartisan congressional resolution condemning China’s coronavirus response “following criticism that it played in President Donald Trump’s attempts to blame China for the global pandemic,” reports Boston.com.

Moulton is a Marine Corps veteran of the Iraq War and a promising national security hawk within the Democratic Party. Yet, even he felt compelled to apologize (!) for supporting this bipartisan Congressional resolution condemning China’s communist dictatorial regime.

Incredible—but, sadly, unsurprising. Moulton faces a “progressive” primary challenge and knows he must toe the line. The far left, after all, rules the Democratic Party and composes the lyrics which Moulton, Biden, and other center-left Dems must sing—or else.

Then, of course, there is House Speaker Nancy Pelosi who downplayed the threat of the coronavirus during a Feb. 24 walking tour of San Francisco’s Chinatown, ostensibly because she wanted to combat… yes, you guessed it: “racism” and “discrimination”

The bottom line: although Trump was slow to recognize that the coronavirus was a public health emergency which required strong and decisive preventative action, there is little reason to think his Democratic opponents, Joe Biden and Bernie Sanders, would have responded any earlier or more effectively.

And a big reason for this is the Dems’ inability to forthrightly confront threats when doing so might invite the wrath of the PC police and bring down upon them the dreaded, albeit utterly false, charge of “racism,” “bigotry,” and “xenophobia.”

Consequently, they cannot be trusted to protect America and defend Americans.

Feature photo: CNN.