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The Fight We Want and the Justice We Need: Amy Coney Barrett

This is not just a fight for one Supreme Court nominee. It is a fight for the rule of law, the restoration of Constitutional government, and the right of women to live freely without being stereotyped by the political and cultural Left.

President Trump reportedly will select Amy Coney Barrett to replace Ruth Bader Ginsburg on the Supreme Court.

In a better and more politically mature country, this would be significant news, of course, but hardly the occasion for a titanic political fight, with far-reaching ramifications that promise to resonate deeply throughout the wider culture.

Yet, both the Left and the Right, conservatives and progressives, Democrats and Republicans, view this nomination as critically important and a landmark event in American history.

Judicial Overreach. That is because the courts and the judiciary increasingly have played an outsized role in American politics. Public-policy decisions that, by all rights under the Constitution, should be decided by the American people through their elected representatives have been decided instead by unelected judges.

The Left generally has welcomed and promoted judicial overreach because it has allowed them to short-circuit the legislative process and to achieve their political and public-policy objectives through judicial decree.

For this same reason, of course, the Right generally has lamented and opposed judicial overreach because it has denied them even the possibility of achieving their political and public-policy objectives legislatively and at the ballot box.

Hence the present moment, where nominations to the Supreme Court have become politically momentous events that promise to radically alter our public-policy universe. But this is not what the American Founding Fathers intended when they created an independent judiciary.

The Founding Fathers viewed the judiciary as performing an important but limited role: interpreting and applying the law in a narrowly prescribed technical sense, not creating new rights that correspond with our evolving sense of justice.

If the courts had remained faithful to this original purpose, then we would be spared all of the Sturm und Drang that now surrounds Supreme Court nominations.

Instead of being political spectacles, where underhanded partisans try to destroy the nominee, we would have more low-key affairs in which the Senate performs its advise and consent role with little notice and little fanfare.

Left-Wing Attacks. Of course, as the Wall Street Journal points out, the vicious and savage attacks on Supreme Court nominees have come exclusively from one side: the political left.

The low-blows started with the smearing of Robert Bork in 1987 and they culminated in the attempted character assassination of Brett Kavanaugh two years ago. Democratic nominees, by contrast, have been treated fairly and respectfully by conservatives.

But as a married woman with seven children—including a special needs child and two adopted children from Haiti—Barrett is much more difficult target to smear and defame.

And that is why her nomination is so critically important: because it promises to restore, finally and belatedly, the Constitutional balance of power between the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government; and because it promises a fair and honest fight—a fight which will help illuminate for the American people what is at stake and the proper role of the judiciary in our system of government.

Conservative Disappointment. I say finally and belatedly because conservatives have been trying for decades to rein in the courts through judicial appointments, but with limited success and much disappointment.

Robert Bork, for instance, never made it to the Supreme Court after being smeared by the Left and narrowly voted down by the Senate. His replacement, Anthony Kennedy, was no originalist.

Kennedy, in fact, voted to uphold an utterly manufactured Constitutional right to abortion, while spearheading a series of decisions that culminated in an equally fabricated Constitutional right to same-sex marriage.

To avert a contentious Senate confirmation fight, George H. W. Bush gave us David Souter, who turned out to be reliably liberal or left-wing justice. And George W. Bush gave us Chief Justice John Roberts, who has inexplicably sided with the Left in several key decisions involving, for instance, Obamacare and the U.S. Census.

Even Neil Gorsuch, a Trump nominee, has surprised and disappointed conservatives by finding new “progressive” meaning in statutes long considered fixed and settled.

For this reason—because conservative justices can occasionally stray and be heterodox and unpredictable in their thinking—it is probably necessary to have six originalists on the Court before Constitutional order can be restored.

A Justice Barrett would be, essentially, the Court’s sixth originalist.

Cultural Significance. Barrett’s ascension to the high court also will have far-reaching political and cultural significance. She is a practicing Catholic who takes her faith seriously and, as mentioned, is the mother of seven children, including a special needs child and two adopted children from Haiti.

As such, she represents a type of woman in America—conservative and religious, educated and accomplished, professional and family-oriented—that progressive cultural denizens in Hollywood and the media ignore, ridicule, and caricature.

Yet there are millions of such women in America today and their voices deserve to be heard and recognized.

A Justice Barrett, simply by being who she is, will help ensure that these women—our wives, mothers, sisters, and daughters—no longer are ignored, ridiculed, and caricatured.

In short, this is the fight we want and the justice we need. Barrett’s nomination is the culmination of a decades-long effort to restore Constitutional government in America. The country will be notably freer and immeasurably better off when that is achieved.

Feature photo creditThe Federalist.

10 Inconvenient Questions for Democrats About the Fight Over the Supreme Court

  1. Where in the Constitution, exactly, does it prohibit a president from appointing someone to fill a vacancy on the Supreme Court in an election year?
  1. Previous American presidents—including Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln, and Woodrow Wilson—nominated Supreme Court justices in an election year, and the Senate confirmed those nominees before the election.

Other American presidents—including John Adams, Ulysses S. Grant, and Calvin Coolidge—nominated justices after the election but before the inauguration; and those nominees, too, were confirmed by the Senate.

Were these American presidents guilty of some illegal or damnable transgression—or instead, were they exercising their lawful authority under the Constitution?

  1. Assume the shoe was on the other foot, so to speak. It is Sept. 18, 2012. Obama is president; he is up for reelection but trailing in the polls; the Democrats control the Senate but risk losing control after the election; and Justice Scalia has died.

Would not Obama nominate a new justice to replace Scalia, and would not Senate Democrats act to confirm Obama’s nominee?

  1. Long-standing Senate tradition (not law) allowed for use of the filibuster to prevent judicial nominees from being confirmed by the Senate. Stopping a filibuster requires 60 votes.

Practically speaking, given the makeup of the Senate, to reach the 60-vote threshold typically requires at least a bare minimum of bipartisan support.

However, in 2013, Democratic Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nevada) prohibited use of the filibuster for most judicial nominees. Republican Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) then followed suit in 2017 and eliminated use of the filibuster for Supreme Court nominees.

This allowed Senate Republicans to confirm Trump appointee Brett Kavanaugh with just one Democratic vote; and it will allow Senate Republicans to approve Ginsburg’s replacement with, potentially, no Democratic votes.

Given this history, was it a mistake for Harry Reid to eliminate the filibuster for judicial nominees? Did this not pave the way for Senate confirmation of Trump’s three Supreme Court nominees?

  1. Since the middle of the 20th Century, Democrats and leftist have relied upon the courts, or the judicial branch of government, to achieve political and public policy objectives that they never could have achieved legislatively—for example:
  • banning voluntary school prayer;
  • requiring abortion on demand;
  • mandating various and sundry environmental protection measures, school and prison reforms; and now:
  • dictating federal immigration policy and state voting requirements.

Has it been it a mistake to rely so heavily on the courts and the judiciary to achieve your political and public policy objectives—especially since Republican court appointees are often unwilling to accede to assertions of judicial supremacy vis-a-vis the executive and legislative branches of government?

  1. Do you believe there are any limits on the jurisdiction of the courts, or is every political and policy issue justiciable?
  1. Some Democratic leaders—including House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-New York)—have called on Senate Democrats to expand the size of the Supreme Court and pack it with more liberal or activist judges.

Justice Ginsburg, however, said court-packing is a bad idea because it would undermine the Court’s legitimacy and weaken public trust in the institution.

Who’s right about expanding or packing the Court: Chairman Nadler or Justice Ginsburg?

  1. An independent judiciary free of political coercion or control is one of the pillars of American democracy.

Yet in recent years, this independence has been threatened by Democratic Senators such as Charles Schumer (D-New York), Sheldon Whitehouse (D-Rhode Island), and Richard Blumenthal (D-Connecticut), all of whom have warned that unless the Court rules in a “progressive” direction, it risks being brought to heel and radically restructured.

Can we not agree that while we certainly can criticize Supreme Court decisions, we ought to refrain from demanding that the Court rule a certain way or risk suffering some vague but ominous-sounding consequences?

Do not such threats strike at the very heart of judicial independence?

  1. Some Senate Democrats—including Dick Durbin (D-Illinois) Marie Hirono (D-Hawaii) and Kamala Harris (D-California)—have suggested that practicing Catholics who belong to Catholic religious organizations, such as the Knights of Columbus, should be disqualified from federal judgeships.

The reason: practicing Catholics have religious beliefs that are opposed to progressive orthodoxy on a range of issues (such as abortion and same-sex marriage) where progressive orthodoxy has been incorporated into the Constitution and established as new rights.

The Constitution, however, expressly prohibits a religious test for governmental service; and prominent Catholics such as President John F. Kennedy (a Democrat) and Justice Antonin Scalia (a Republican) have expressly said that their religious faith does not override the oath that they take to the Constitution of the United States.

Who’s right about whether practicing Catholics should be disqualified from the federal judiciary because of their religious faith: Senators Durbin, Hirono, and Harris, or President Kennedy, Justice Scalia, and the Constitution?

  1. Liberal interest groups and Democratic Senators have viciously and savagely attacked the character and good name of a series of recent Republican Supreme Court nominees—including Robert Bork, Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito, and Brett Kavanaugh.

Bork and Alito, for instance, was accused of being racists; Thomas was accused of sexual harassment; and Kavanaugh was accused of participating in a gang rape. The evidence for these accusations was utterly lacking. The charges reflected a partisan political desire to destroy these nominees before they could ascend to the high court.

Can we refrain from the politics of personal destruction and instead, debate the merits, qualifications, and judicial philosophies of Supreme Court nominees? Is that asking too much in this, the world’s greatest democracy?

Feature photo credit: Kevin Dietsch/UPI.

The Scalia-Ginsburg Friendship Should Be Our Political Model Today

The battle over Trump’s next appointment to the Supreme Court should be heated and intense, but civil and respectful. Justices Scalia and Ginsburg would not have wanted it any other way.

The death of Ruth Justice Bader Ginsburg Friday means that there will be, as the Wall Street Journal rightly notes, a “titanic fight over her successor.” This is fitting and appropriate.

The stakes, after all, are very high: The future direction of the Supreme Court, our essential civil liberties, and the rule of law are all at risk.

Indeed, as Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) points out, the Second Amendment right to bear arms is being erased from the Constitution because of the high court’s neglect. And religious liberty decisions typically are decided by a 5-4 margin and on narrow technical grounds that fail to reflect the overriding importance of this essential First Amendment right.

Judicial Power-Grab. Moreover, more left-wing “progressive” justices may well mean that the Court will legislate new and costly entitlements into the Constitution—a “right to healthcare,” for instance.

Sounds farfetched? Maybe. But so, too, did a Constitutional right to homosexual marriage—until it became politically fashionable and the object of a concerted legal campaign.

The result was the Court’s 2015 Obergefell v. Hodges decision that redefined marriage to include same-sex unions—an idea genuinely never contemplated by the American Founding Fathers who wrote the Constitution.

So yes, there is a lot at stake with this newest Court vacancy: whether we will remain a free and self-governing people, or whether we will be ruled by nine unelected judges who, increasingly, usurp from us our decision-making authority under the Constitution.

Scalia and Ginsburg. That said, we all can and should learn from the example set by Justice Ginsburg and the late great Justice Antonin Scalia. These two legendary jurists were ideological opposites and long-standing judicial sparring partners; yet they enjoyed a deep and abiding friendship.

Justice Ginsburg, of course, was the leader of the Court’s left-wing “progressives”; Justice Scalia the leader of the Court conservatives.

Their judicial opinions frequently clashed, especially on big, high-profile cases involving the Second Amendment, religious liberty, affirmative action, property rights, and state sovereignty. Yet, these two opposing jurists had great affection for one another and were genuinely the best of friends.

Justice Scalia’s son, Christopher, relays this wonderful and telling story from Judge Jeffrey Sutton during a visit Sutton had with Scalia before the justice’s death in 2016:

The Scalia and Ginsburg families regularly socialized. They celebrated every New Year’s Eve together, for instance. And yet: the two justices never allowed the intensity of their judicial disagreements to ruin or obstruct their personal friendship.

How to Fight. “I attack ideas; I don’t attack people,” is how Justice Scalia wisely put it. Good and wonderful people, he observed, can harbor or espouse very bad ideas. That means they are mistaken; it does not mean they are bad or deficient in character or morals.

In other words, politics is one thing; character is another thing; and, if you cannot distinguish between the two, you are allowing your politics to blind you to the decency and humanity of your fellow citizens, both left and right.

This is something all of us would do well to consider as we prepare for what will no doubt be a pitched political battle involving the next and newest justice of the Supreme Court.

High-Stakes Battle. This battle promises to be highly emotional and deeply felt—on both sides. The intensity and passion will be palpable. Everyone knows that there is a lot riding on this appointment. The next justice may well serve on the Court for 40 years or more.

But let us all strive to be fair-minded, judicious, and even-tempered. Let us all realize that, in the United States of America, our domestic political opponents are not our enemies; they are our friends, neighbors, and family members. 

Let us all try to emulate the wonderful and worthy example of Justices Scalia and Ginsburg.

Civility. Let us disagree without being disagreeable. Let us vigorously engage the political debate without engaging in the politics of personal destruction. Let us recognize that, despite our profound disagreements, there is far more that unites us than divides us.

And, when the fight is over, let us come together as Americans who share a common political lineage and a worthy political goal: liberty and justice for all in these United States.

Surely, that is what Justices Scalia and Ginsburg would have wanted. And certainly, that is the example they set in their own lives through a deep and abiding friendship that transcended political and ideological differences.

May their example be our reality.

Feature photo credit: The Kalb Report, YouTube.

In the Fight Against the Coronavirus, Cuomo and Trump Show the Difference Between Style and Substance

When assessing how well our political leaders are doing and their job performance, it is important to look beyond the rhetoric to examine actual policies and real-world results.

Sometimes, political leaders who speak or behave poorly do a surprisingly good job, while political leaders who speak and behave in a more suave and polished fashion implement bad and disastrous policies.

Yet, if we focus simply on rhetoric and demeanor, and not policies and results, we miss what is most important. We elevate style over substance. We deprecate rhetorically challenged leaders with good records, while lauding silver-tongued politicos with bad records.

This is, of course, precisely backward. Results should matter more than rhetoric.

President Trump, obviously, is a political leader who is, to put it charitably, rhetorically challenged. His public pronouncements, especially his tweets, are often juvenile, embarrassing, and subliterate. Yet, his record as president is far better than his rhetoric would suggest.

Until the coronavirus pandemic hit, the U.S. economy was doing remarkably well, with record low unemployment, renewed economic growth, and a booming stock market.

The United States had avoided any major foreign policy crises, while adopting a more realistic approach toward China. Trump’s two Supreme Court appointments are superb, as are most of his federal court nominations.

Yes, Trump was pathetically slow to recognize the gravity of the coronavirus, largely because he was too trusting of China’s communist dictator, Xi Jinping. And his daily press briefings have been too often depressing, unenlightening, uninformative, and uninspiring.

This is not at all what we Americans want or expect from our president during a national crisis that is unprecedented in any of our lifetimes.

Still, despite his rhetorical weakness and tardiness, Trump has taken strong and decisive action to combat the coronavirus, and these politics have worked. The virus has been contained, and the worst predictions—two million dead, rationed care, a lack of ventilators, et al.—were never realized.

And—this is important—the worst predictions were never realized because of Trump administration policies.

The supply of ventilators to our nation’s hospitals is the most compelling case in point. New York Governor Andrew Cuomo spent most of March eloquently speechifying about how his state needed an additional 30,000 ventilators. Otherwise, he ominously warned, some patients who urgently need ventilators might be denied ventilators.

Trump was heavily criticized by his Democratic and media opponents for supposedly failing to deliver these ventilators.

Yet, behind the scenes, his administration was working diligently and creatively to ensure that ventilator production was ramped-up; and that ventilators were distributed in real-time, on an as-needed basis, nationwide to ensure that all patients were covered and cared for—and that exactly what happened.

In the end, no patient who ever needed a ventilator was ever denied a ventilator; and New York ended up donating ventilators to other states that needed them.

Of course, Trump never really explained this to the American people because he is so rhetorically weak and challenged. But his record of success here is impressive and undeniable.

Cuomo. Now, compare that to silver-tongued Andrew Cuomo, who speaks, acts and behaves like a political leader should during a time of national crisis. We here at ResCon1 have praised Cuomo for his leadership.

We even have suggested that, because of his performance during the coronavirus pandemic, Cuomo, and not Joe Biden, should be the Democratic Party’s presidential nominee.

This is all true. However, it is also true that, despite his rhetorical gifts and undeniable leadership, Cuomo’s record during this crisis is suspect and deserves serious criticism.

Ventilators. Specifically, Cuomo and his health commissioner, Dr. Howard Zucker, issued an edict Mar. 25 that required nursing homes “to admit or readmit recovering COVID-19 patients—despite openly acknowledging that the elderly are among the most vulnerable,” reports the New York Post.

The unsurprising result: “The coronavirus’ suspected death toll among New York’s nursing home residents exploded by an additional 1,700 fatalities.”

“COVID-19 complications have killed 4,813 residents of nursing homes and adult-care facilities—and that doesn’t include those who died in hospitals,” notes the Post’s editorial board.

“Known nursing deaths represent 25 percent of all deaths in the state,” adds Post columnist Michael Goodwin.

This is disgraceful precisely because these deaths were so predictable and avoidable. They resulted from a disastrous policy that Cuomo forced upon New York’s nursing homes. 

“To them [the nursing homes],” explains Goodwin, Cuomo’s “March 25 order was a death sentence. Some facilities say they had no deaths or even positive patients before that date, but many of both since, including among staff members.”

New York’s nursing homes, reports the Post, “were clearly unprepared for the pandemic, lacking infection control protocols, sufficient personal protective equipment and tests to properly identify residents and staff infected with the virus.”

Rhetoric. Cuomo, of course, has tried to talk his way out of responsibility for this fiasco; and, truth be told, he is a much better talker than Trump. But rhetoric, no matter how eloquent and compelling, can conceal undeniable and indisputable truths.

And the truth is that Cuomo’s stupid and ill-advised policy re: nursing home admissions caused thousands of needless coronavirus deaths.

Yet, Cuomo’s more polished public persona and soothing rhetoric has had one beneficial effect, at least for him: It has spared him much media criticism that otherwise should be coming his way.

Trump, by contrast, has been the object of withering media criticism despite averting similarly bad outcomes and policy disasters.

The reason for this discrepancy, of course, is that Trump is, as they say, rough around the edges. He speaks poorly, shoots from the hip, vents his spleen, is prone to public displays of anger and frustration, and in general, behaves impulsively and acts out of pique.

What Matters. It would be much better for Trump and for the nation if he were more polished and disciplined; but at 73 years old, Trump is who he is. He won’t ever change.

We, however, can change our national focus and our national obsession. Instead of giving undue credence to Trump’s every utterance and solitary tweet, let’s focus more on his administration’s policies, record, and results.

And let’s do the same for his Democratic political opponents. That would result in a fairer and more balanced assessment of the Trump administration, as well as its possible successor or replacement.

Feature photo credit: New York Post.

Bring Back the Party Bosses, and Bring on Tom Cotton and Andrew Cuomo

In the good old days, political pros and party bosses would meet in smoke-filled rooms to identify political talent and select presidential candidates.

That’s how we ended up with relative titans as president, and as failed presidential nominees—men like Theodore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft, Calvin Coolidge, Herbert Hoover, Franklin Roosevelt, Harry Truman, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Richard Nixon.

Today, by contrast, democracy rules and the people decide; and, as a result, we have… Donald Trump and Joe Biden. Trump is mentally ill and obviously incompetent, while Biden clearly shows signs of senility and dementia.

It gives me no joy to say this. I sincerely wish it were otherwise. But the truth is the truth. It should give all of us serious doubts about the wisdom of pure, unadulterated democracy. More filters, checks, and balances, please.

Party Bosses. Why, just imagine if the political parties were stronger than they are now, and if the party bosses were true bosses, and not figments of our historical memory. Who, then, would be our two major 2020 presidential candidates?

There are, I think two obvious choices: New York Governor Andrew Cuomo, a Democrat, and Arkansas Senator Tom Cotton, a Republican.

Why Cuomo and Cotton? First, unlike Trump and Biden, they both pass the threshold test of being physically and psychologically healthy—of sound body and mind.

Part of this is age: Cuomo is 62 and Cotton turns 43 in May. Trump and Biden, by contrast, are 73 and 77, respectively.

But age, in itself, is not the problem. While Trump is obese and may be a heart attack waiting to happen, he is, nonetheless, spry of mind.

Moreover, Anthony Fauci, M.D., who heads up the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, is 79 years old, and no one would ever accuse him of being too old for that or any other job.

Biden and Trump. However, people age in different ways and at different paces. Joe Biden today is clearly and obviously not the same man he was 12 years ago when Barack Obama selected him as his running mate.

Age has taken its toll. Biden often loses his train of thought and sometimes has conspicuous difficulty articulating full sentences and coherent thoughts.

Trump, meanwhile, is a narcissist with the maturity of an insecure and needy adolescent. He has shown no interest in mastering the difficult art of governance, nor in applying himself as a student of public policy. He is beyond his depth in a big way, and it shows each and every time he tweets or opens his mouth.

Cotton and Cuomo, by contrast, are capable and competent in ways that Trump and Biden simply are not. Indeed, agree or disagree with them, no one can deny that Cotton and Cuomo are on top of their game and can effectively wield political power.

Cuomo has spent his entire life in politics and government, learning at the knee of his father, the late great Mario Cuomo, the former governor of New York.

Cotton is younger but whip-smart and a combat veteran to boot, with tours as an infantry platoon leader in both Iraq and Afghanistan. He graduated magna cum laude from Harvard in just three years before earning a law degree from Harvard as well.

As important, both Cotton and Cuomo have proven themselves equal to this moment in history.

Cuomo has distinguished himself through his steady and sure-handed management of the coronavirus. His daily press briefings have been informative and uplifting—reassuring not just New Yorkers, but all Americans during this time of doubt, darkness, fear, and confusion.

Cuomo’s leadership stands in marked contrast to Trump’s dismal and dismaying lack of leadership during this crisis. For Trump, it’s always about him. For Cuomo, it’s always about us. 

Cotton, meanwhile, was arguably the only political leaders who saw the coronavirus coming, and who tried valiantly, back in January, to alert the Trump administration and the nation to the impending danger.

Of course, for doing so, Cotton was mocked and ridiculed by the media, which was willfully blind to the virus emanating from Wuhan, China.

Still, Cotton was right—and his prescience and wisdom become increasingly apparent each and every day as we learn more about the origins of the coronavirus and China’s duplicity and deceit regarding its spread and transmission.

History. In an earlier era in American politics, the two major political parties, and the so-called party bosses, would have realized that Cotton and Cuomo should be running for president. They, not Trump and Biden, should be competing on the national stage for America’s biggest and most coveted political prize.

Cotton and Cuomo, after all, are natural political leaders, who have stepped up in a big way at this moment of national crisis. Thus they are deserving; Trump and Biden are not.

And while the vox populi may not fully understand or appreciate this, the political parties and the party bosses do. We need them back—and we need less pure, unadulterated democracy, and more filters, checks, and balances. And we need this precisely to save American democracy from itself.

Feature photo creditTom Cotton (Mark Wilson/Gett Images via Slate) and Andrew Cuomo (Pat Arnow via Wikipedia).