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Posts published in “Politics”

Biden’s Call for Unity Puts America First

How can we reconcile the President’s call for unity with the need for robust and contentious political debate?

Joe Biden’s inaugural address—and the speeches, prayers, and musical renditions that surrounded it—beautifully met the historical moment. Our new president paid homage to American democracy and the peaceful transfer of power with a solemn and heartfelt call for unity.

But what exactly, does the President mean by unity?

Surely not unanimity of opinion: because in any real democracy—and certainly American democracy—we prize argument and debate. We vigorously protect the rights of dissenters who beg to differ, and we wouldn’t want it any other way.

That is why, after all, our founding fathers bequeathed to us the First Amendment, which expressly protects freedom of thought and freedom of speech. As Americans, we believe that only though robust and contentious political debate will the best ideas emerge and prevail.

As Mr. Biden put it:

If you still disagree [with me], so be it. That’s democracy. That’s America. The right to dissent, peaceably—the guardrail of our republic—is perhaps this nation’s greatest strength.

Yet hear me clearly: Disagreement must not lead to disunion.

Americans First. In other words, we Americans can disagree and argue, but we should always do so as Americans first—as a people with a shared history, a common set of ideals, and a singular devotion to liberty and justice for all.

We can see each other not as adversaries, but as neighbors. We can treat each other with dignity and respect. We can join forces, stop the shouting and lower the temperature…

Politics doesn’t have to be a raging fire, destroying everything in its path. Every disagreement doesn’t have to be a cause for total war.

And we must reject the culture in which facts themselves are manipulated and even manufactured.

Truth and Lies. Mr. Biden’s point about manipulating and manufacturing facts was a well-deserved rebuke of President Trump, who has been a habitual liar throughout his presidency.

Trump’s most damning lie, of course, was his fabricated notion that the election was stolen from him through voter fraud. Nothing could be further from the truth.

Yet it was this lie that inspired the Jan. 6 assault on the Capitol by deluded Trump sycophants.

Bald-faced lying matters because it debases our political culture and corrupts and distorts our policy debates. And, inevitably, this leads to calls for censoring and squelching free speech, as we’ve seen recently with Twitter and Facebook.

As Mr. Biden explained:

Recent weeks and months have taught us a painful lesson: there is truth and there are lies, lies told for power and for profit.

And each of us has a duty and responsibility, as citizens, as Americans, and especially as leaders—leaders who have pledged to honor our Constitution and protect our nation—to defend the truth and defeat the lies.

Surely, no conservative—and certainly, not this conservative—can disagree. The search for truth, not power, must always and everywhere guide us.

Republicans. The problem for Republicans and conservatives in the age of Trump is that too many of them allowed their quest for political power to override their commitment to truth—the truth about Trump and the truth about their political opponents. And, as we saw Jan. 6, this too often led to disaster.

We must end this uncivil war that pits red against blue, rural vs. urban, conservative vs. liberal. We can do this if we open our souls instead of hardening our hearts.

If we show a little tolerance and humility, and if we’re willing to stand in the other person’s shoes, as my mom would say, just for a moment, stand in their shoes.

Because here’s the thing about life: There’s no accounting for what fate will deal you. Some days when you need a hand. There are other days when we’re called to lend a hand. That’s how it has to be. That’s what we do for one another.

And if we are this way, our country will be stronger, more prosperous, more ready for the future. And we can still disagree [emphasis added].

Yes, we can, and we should (argue and disagree)—now more than ever.

Civility. Look, I’m a conservative Republican. Joe Biden is a very liberal Democrat. I fully expect to vigorously oppose many, and perhaps most, of the policies that he will champion over the next four years.

But I thank God we have a President who recognizes that we Americans can and should disagree and argue, but as Americans first, with a commitment to what is right, true, and just.

Amen, Mr. President, and Godspeed.

Feature photo credit: Screenshot of President Biden delivering his Inaugural Address.

Trump’s Impeachment Was Not ‘Rushed’ and He Has Not Been Denied Due Process of Law

Refuting the Bad—and Bad-Faith—Arguments Against Trump’s Impeachment and Conviction.

There are lots of lame excuses, but no valid reasons, for not impeaching and convicting Trump.

Sadly, but perhaps not surprisingly, Congressional Republicans, Trump toadies, and their lapdogs in the media are making excuses for why Trump should not have been impeached and should not be convicted.

None of these arguments are persuasive or compelling, and most do not acknowledge the dangerous, precedent-setting implications of Trump’s actions and failures of action since Nov. 3 and especially since Jan. 6.

Instead, the argument essentially is that Trump should escape impeachment and conviction on legal or procedural technicalities.

Procedural Technicalities. Conservative Republicans historically have opposed letting criminals go free because of legal or procedural technicalities. So it’s surprising and disappointing to see many of them eager to let Trump escape Constitutional censure because of a legal or procedural technicality.

We will take up the objections to Trump’s impeachment and conviction in a series of posts. The first objection is that impeachment was “rushed through” Congress and that Trump, therefore, has been denied due process of law.

As Byron York puts it, the House of Representatives conducted a

quickie impeachment article on Wednesday—dispensing with the hundreds of hours of deliberation and due process that would precede a normal impeachment vote…

But of course, the Constitution does not specify any time requirement or procedural obligations for impeachment.

Moreover, as Matthew Continetti points out, “All the facts are in evidence. They are plain to anyone who can read or watch television.”

Due process or fairness thus did not require a lengthy investigation or fact-finding expedition because the public record already is quite voluminous and well-known. Trump’s tweets, public statements, actions, and inaction are available for all to see, read, and review.

Due process also is a subjective standard that is situationally dependent, and it is more relevant to a Senate trial than a House impeachment. As Andrew C. McCarthy observes:

If we woke up one morning to smoking-gun, undeniable proof that an American president was a spy for a foreign adversary, Congress would have to impeach and remove the president immediately…

No one in his right mind would say, “Let’s leave a foreign spy in the Oval Office for a few more weeks so we can have some hearings and make sure the Senate trial is fair.”

For this reason, the Constitution does not impose any due process standard on impeachment and conviction.

In short, the House of Representatives has handled Trump’s second impeachment fairly and lawfully. Critics who complain about a “rushed impeachment” are either disingenuous or ignorant.

In truth, the House had to act with dispatch and for several reasons:

First, Trump is leaving office Jan. 20, and there is legitimate legal disagreement as to whether a president can be impeached when he is no longer president.

Second, with a new president (Biden) about to take office and other pressing matters (such as the pandemic) to attend to, Congress cannot afford to waste time belaboring impeachment and conviction. Instead, it must act quickly and decisively and move on.

In fact, if anything, the House took too long (a full week) to impeach Trump.

Third, there is the old adage that justice delayed is justice denied. Indeed, Trump’s assault on the Congress, the Constitution, the separation of powers, and the rule of law was so blatant and egregious that it demands prompt and immediate redress.

All Americans must know and understand that such flagrant abuses of power will not be tolerated.

Pretending otherwise through weeks or months of haggling and debate over irrelevant legal and procedural technicalities is a disservice to the American people and an abandonment of the Constitution and Constitutional governance.

In our next post, we will consider whether the article of impeachment (incitement of insurrection) warrants Trump’s conviction. Critics contend that Trump did not incite an insurrection. Is this true and does it matter?

Feature photo credit: Joyce N. Boghosian, courtesy of WBNG.

Why Congressional Republicans Must Vote to Impeach and Convict Trump

Impeachment and conviction will allow the GOP to wash away the stain of dishonor that Trump has stamped upon their party.

As a matter of principle, Congressional Republicans should support the impeachment and conviction of Donald Trump.

The Republican Party, after all, is the nation’s conservative party—the party of liberty, the rule of law, faithful adherence to the Constitution, and the separation of powers.

Yet, all this and more was flagrantly assaulted in the Jan. 6, 2021, violent attack on the Capitol that Trump shamelessly and unapologetically orchestrated.

Why, then, are so few Republican lawmakers in favor of impeachment? In a word: politics.

Congressional Republicans have convinced themselves that Trump commands the allegiance of too many voters in their districts and their states to risk supporting his impeachment.

Their fear: that they will face a pro-Trump challenger who will defeat them in a primary and destroy their political careers.

This fear is understandable, but shortsighted and myopic—and it risks destroying the Republican Party.

The obvious truth is that Trump is intensely loathed and despised by a clear majority of voters nationwide. And everything he has done in the past two months since losing the election to Joe Biden has made him even more reviled, and justly so.

As the New York Times’ Bret Stephens points out:

The president attacked the states, in their right to set their own election procedures. He attacked the courts, state as well as federal, in their right to settle the election challenges brought before them.

He attacked Congress, in its right to conduct orderly business free of fear. He attacked the vice president, in his obligation to fulfill his duties under the 12th Amendment.

He attacked the American people, in their right to choose the electors who choose the president.

The risk to Republicans is that by trying to appease Trump’s base, they risk losing the country, as they did in the election, and it wasn’t even close. Trump lost the popular vote by more than seven million votes, and he lost the electoral college 306-232.

Trump Voters. Republicans obsess over Trump voters; but the truth is that Trump voters, all 74 million of them, are hardly a monolith.

Sure, many of them may be diehard Trump fans, but many (yours truly, for instance) are not. Many can be constructively engaged and persuaded through good-faith efforts to tell them the truth.

Unfortunately, too few Republican officeholders are willing to tell their voters the truth—the truth about the 2020 election and the truth about Donald Trump; and, until they do, the future of the Republican Party is in grave danger.

Indeed, if Republicans think the loss of two winnable Senate seats in Georgia was bad, they ain’t seen nothing yet. Worse and even more catastrophic political losses may be yet to come, and precisely because of their uncritical embrace of Trump.

Watershed Moment. The Jan. 6, 2021, Trump-engineered assault on the Capitol was a watershed event that will live in infamy. Elected Republicans need to recognize this and respond with the seriousness of purpose that the times and the moment demand.

Impeaching and convicting the ringleader of this attack, Donald J. Trump, is the right and necessary place to start.

Feature photo credit: Violent thugs, summoned by Trump to Washington to disrupt the peaceful transfer of power, scale the walls of the United States Capitol as they begin their assault on Congress (José Luis Magaña/Associated Press, courtesy of the Philadelphia Inquirer.)

Trump Must Be Impeached and Convicted—and Legalistic Defenses Cannot Spare Him

Impeachment is not about punishing Trump. It is about safeguarding American democracy and protecting our Constitutional order.

Of course President Trump should be impeached and convicted. He incited a mob to intimidate Congress and the Vice President to steal the election based on baldfaced lies that he knowingly propagated. As a result, five people are dead, including two Capitol police officers.

As former New Jersey Governor Chris Christie put it, if this isn’t an impeachable offense, then nothing is.

The separation of powers within the federal government was one of the principal objectives of the American Founding Fathers when they drafted the Constitution.

By inciting a violent attack on the legislative branch of government, President Trump attacked one of the pillars of our Constitutional order. He must be held accountable for that attack. Impeachment and conviction are the only remedies available to Congress to ensure that justice is done.

This has nothing to do with punishment or revenge. Instead, it has everything to do with preventing a future president from trying to emulate Trump by launching a similar attack against the legislative branch of government.

Congress must lay down a clear marker now that such behavior will not be tolerated; and that there will be grave consequences for any president who even flirts with this idea.

And legalistic defenses of Trump won’t wash. The Founding Fathers deliberately made impeachment a legislative and not judicial prerogative. So whether Trump’s abhorrent behavior meets the strict legal definition of incitement is utterly irrelevant.

What matters is what Congress thinks and knows, not what a court of law might decide. And what Congress thinks and knows—what all of us think and know—is the the president blatantly egged on a mob to storm the Capitol.

Now, did the president know that the mob would turn violent? Maybe; maybe not. Who knows?

Again, that doesn’t matter. What we do know is that violence was a foreseeable consequence of Trump’s rhetoric and behavior; and that a responsible leader never would have behaved as Trump behaved.

As the New York Times reports:

“Big protest in D.C. on January 6th,” Mr. Trump tweeted on Dec. 19, just one of several of his tweets promoting the day. “Be there, will be wild!”

“We fight like hell, and if you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore,” he told the mob Jan. 6.

You’ll never take back our country with weakness. You have to show strength, and you have to be strong… Our country has been under siege for a long time…

We will never give up. We will never concede. It doesn’t happen. You don’t concede when there’s theft involved…

Our country has had enough. We will not take it anymore, and that is what this is all about. And to use a favorite term that all of you people really came up with, we will stop the steal. …

You will have an illegitimate president. That is what you will have, and we can’t let that happen…

Feature photo credit: ABC News.

The ‘War on Christmas’ Shows Trump’s Fatal Political Shortcomings

Trump’s laziness and aversion to political and legislative grunt work have seriously limited his success as president.

One of the worst aspects of Trump’s presidency has been his failure to engage in the hard and difficult work of leading, governing, and policymaking.

Instead, Trump too often has been content with tweeting and bloviating—as if loudly and boisterously saying something somehow sufficed and nothing more need be done.

But of course, governance involves a lot more than tweeting. It involves crafting public policies and legislation; cajoling lawmakers and the bureaucracy; forming and building political coalitions; working to communicate, explain, and persuade.

And here, Trump has been a dismal failure—mainly because he is too lazy and undisciplined to do the laborious grunt work required of any successful president.

Consider, for instance, the war on Christmas, which I discussed in my previous post. This is a serious cultural problem that transcends politics. However, there are certain things that a conscientious and serious-minded president could do to help make Americans less afraid to explicitly acknowledge Christmas.

For example, the president could issue an executive order explaining in detail that federal agencies have every right to acknowledge Christmas because Christmas is, after all, inscribed into law as a national holiday.

Thus government agencies that have Christmas gatherings or celebrations, or that wish their employees Merry Christmas, are not violating any federal law or policy.

The president, likewise, could give a major speech about the war on Christmas and why that war is antithetical to our history, culture, and political traditions.

He could explain why the Constitution permits public schools to have Christmas concerts and allows schoolchildren to sing Christmas carols.

The president could order his Department of Justice to examine the Constitutional questions involved in these and similar cases and controversies, which have arisen nationwide in recent decades.

Trump Is AWOL. In short, there are things a thoughtful and determined president could do to draw attention to this problem while helping to buck up Americans who have been cowed and intimidated by the militant secularists. Trump, though, has done none of these things.

What Trump has done is tweet—boastfully, impotently, and counterproductively. For example, on Christmas Eve, 2017, Trump tweeted:

Of course, this is a complete lie. Trump has led no such “charge,” and nothing he has done as president has made people more inclined to say “Merry Christmas.” On this issue, as on many others, Trump has been all talk (or tweet) and little or no action.

Unfortunately, Trump’s aversion to the hard and difficult work of leading, governing, and policymaking has not been confined to the war on Christmas. Instead, it has marred his entire presidency and undermined his ability to get things done on myriad issues.

Section 230. In the week before Christmas, for instance, Trump vetoed the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA). He said that one of the bill’s major shortcomings is that it does not include a provision to repeal Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act of 1996.

That law, Trump tweeted, “gives unlimited power to big tech companies.” Now, this may or may not be true; but what certainly is true is this:

Trump never made any serious or sustained effort to explain to legislators and the American people why Section 230 is a bad law that must be repealed.

Instead, Trump belatedly demanded that the law be repealed as part of another piece of unrelated legislation (the NDAA). A dictator can get away with that; a democratically elected ruler cannot.

The president’s job is to build public support for legislation through concerted political action. But the sad and lamentable truth is that Trump never has been willing to engage politically in a serious and sustained fashion. He’d much rather vent his spleen on Twitter.

The result: too many missed opportunities; too many initiatives never taken, and too many balls fumbled.

As a result, Americans today are no less afraid to acknowledge Christmas than they were before Trump became president—and Section 230 is no closer to being repealed either.

This is something GOP voters must recognize when, in 2024, they have to choose another presidential nominee. The party cannot afford to nominate someone like Trump—someone too lazy and undisciplined to lead and to govern.

To win politically and legislatively, the party needs a workhorse, not a showhorse or showman.

Feature photo credit: Dave Horsey, Seattle Times cartoonist.